BARRHAVEN-LONGFIELDS HIGH SCHOOLS
HERSHEY CANADA YOUTH TRACK AND FIELD MEET
RESIDENTIAL REHABILITATION ASSISTANCE PROGRAM
MOTORCYCLE AND SNOWMOBILE INSURANCE
MOTORCYCLE AND SNOWMOBILE INSURANCE
LIONS CLUB OF KINGSVILLE ACT, 1994
ELECTRICAL CONSTRUCTION ASSOCIATION OF HAMILTON INC. ACT, 1994
RETAIL SALES TAX AMENDMENT ACT, 1993 / LOI DE 1993 MODIFIANT LA LOI SUR LA TAXE DE VENTE AU DÉTAIL
CANNETO SOCIETY INC. ACT, 1993
HAMILTON AND REGION ARTS COUNCIL ACT, 1994
EDEN COMMUNITY HOUSE OF TORONTO ACT, 1994
COUNTY OF ESSEX LOCAL MUNICIPALITIES ACT, 1994
OAKTOWN PROPERTY MANAGEMENT LIMITED ACT, 1994
HAMILTON COMMUNITY FOUNDATION ACT, 1994
The House met at 1332.
Prayers.
MEMBERS' STATEMENTS
BARRHAVEN-LONGFIELDS HIGH SCHOOLS
Mr Hans Daigeler (Nepean): Last Friday was a great day for the Barrhaven-Longfields community in my riding. After many, many years of waiting, we finally received the exciting news that the government has approved two high schools for this rapidly growing neighbourhood of some 25,000 people.
The Catholic and public school boards had put a Barrhaven-Longfields high school first and second, respectively, on their capital priority list. To the credit of the Minister of Education and Training, he accepted the boards' recommendations, and I wish to express publicly to Mr Cooke my thanks and the gratitude of my community for his decision.
When the minister, last April, responded to a letter from me on this subject, I was encouraged by the positive tone of his communication. I was truly delighted, and so was all of Barrhaven, when his final decision was announced last Friday and two high schools received the go-ahead from the provincial government.
Over the past weekend, we celebrated Barrhaven Community Day with a parade, a fair and other neighbourhood events. The approval of two high schools was the best news we could get in time for this annual event, and I wish to thank the Minister of Education again for making this year's Barrhaven Community Day more memorable than ever.
HERSHEY CANADA YOUTH TRACK AND FIELD MEET
Mr Leo Jordan (Lanark-Renfrew): On Saturday, June 4, I was presented with this T-shirt as I joined the 520 students who participated in the fourth annual Hershey Canada youth track meet in Smiths Falls. The number has steadily increased over the years from approximately 150 starting out. Students aged 9 to 14 from Lanark county and Renfrew county districts took part in a full day's program designed to develop winning minds and healthy lifestyles.
This year, students were fortunate to receive coaching and training advice from an exceptional Canadian athlete, Glen Roy Gilbert. Mr Gilbert participated on three Canadian Olympic teams and was the seventh Canadian Olympian to compete on both the summer and winter teams in one year. I commend Mr Gilbert for spending the entire day with the young competitors and providing them with an outstanding role model for fitness and excellence.
I also commend the plant manager of the Hershey plant in Smiths Falls, Stan Darcy, and the Hershey corporation for sponsoring this great event. Since the first youth track meet in Hershey, Pennsylvania, in 1975, this company has provided the invaluable community service of encouraging young people to live healthy and balanced lives. I am pleased to see this kind of good corporate citizenship continue for the young people of Lanark and Renfrew county, who once again had the opportunity to win through participation.
AGRICULTURAL LABOUR POLICY
Mr Pat Hayes (Essex-Kent): I would like to draw the attention of the House to a brochure that I recently received in the mail from the honourable leader of the official opposition. This brochure makes very interesting reading.
It's about Bill 91, the Agricultural Labour Relations Act. Ms McLeod claims that under this legislation "family members, including uncles, aunts and nephews, working on farms could be forced to join unions." Now, Bill 91 specifically exempts family members defined as "spouse, child, sibling, parent or grandchild of the employer" from the provisions of any collective agreement that may be reached between employer and employees, including seniority provisions. Nobody is forced to join a union, least of all uncles etc. Surely the leader of the opposition should know that.
The brochure gets even more interesting. Ms McLeod claims, "There is no provision to prevent strike action against family farms," yet section 14 of the act says clearly, "No employee shall strike or threaten a strike," and section 15 goes on to say that, "No trade union...shall call or authorize or threaten...a strike and no...official or agent of a trade union...shall counsel, procure, support or encourage a strike."
Has Ms McLeod read the bill? Has she understood it? Or is she seeking to sow fear in the hearts of the farming community by making such outrageous claims, full well knowing that they are not valid?
This brochure is an insult to the intelligence of the farmers and to rural Ontario.
HEALTH CARE
Mr Robert V. Callahan (Brampton South): Normally, the birth of a first child to a couple and the arrival of a grandmother from outside this country is a celebration. Not so for a couple in Brampton. They brought their mother here. They wisely sought out $25,000 worth of insurance to cover any eventualities, medical needs. She had no previous complaints whatsoever. She came here and unfortunately suffered a stroke.
She entered Toronto Hospital, figuring $25,000 would cover her needs, and it turned out that it wasn't enough. She suffered a further stroke there, and the hospital is now looking for the balance, after the $25,000, of some $100,000.
This young couple, who live in an apartment and have one child, are going to be required to declare bankruptcy because of this event.
We hear all sorts of things here of people coming into this country and getting health care and never having to pay for it. Here's a couple who took wise steps to try to provide for their 71-year-old mother, who died.
I've sent two letters to the Minister of Health. I sent one to her on April 25, explaining the entire event, and I sent another one to her -- I handed it to her in the House -- on May 25. I have yet to receive an answer from the minister.
Is this the way the government operates? Is it only when there's great publicity to be garnered from helping people? These people in Brampton deserve your help and I suggest that the Minister of Health please answer. At least say yes or no.
I'll deliver these as well, Mr Speaker, over to the minister.
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PHYSIOTHERAPISTS
Mr Cameron Jackson (Burlington South): This year marks the 30th anniversary of the formation of the Ontario Physiotherapy Association as the Canadian physiotherapy professionals' first provincial branch on May 21, 1964.
A critically important part of modern health care delivery, physiotherapy prevents, identifies and corrects movement dysfunction. Physiotherapists are employed in a wide range of settings, including acute and extended care hospitals, rehabilitation and mental health centres, private clinics, government and community agencies.
Physiotherapists play a central role in a multidisciplinary approach to total health care and rehabilitation. The profession also specializes in preventive health care through education and community-based delivery services. Offering an alternative approach to health care, physiotherapists employ a dynamic rehabilitation model of treatment that seeks to enhance quality of life and increase the independence of its patients.
The Regulated Health Professions Act now defines physiotherapists as primary health care professionals who don't require a physician's referral to provide treatment. Some needless barriers to primary access still remain, such as the requirement for referrals under schedule 5 of OHIP, the Workers' Compensation Board and the Public Hospitals Act. Potential conflict of interest must also be examined where physiotherapy clinics are run by those who are not members of the profession. I call on this government to address these concerns as soon as possible.
I join with all my colleagues to congratulate the Ontario physiotherapists on 30 years of excellence in health care delivery in this province. We pledge to continue to work with physiotherapy professionals to develop cost-effective and commonsense ways to meet the health care challenges of the future.
SEXUAL ORIENTATION
Mr Rosario Marchese (Fort York): Last Thursday, the halls of this building echoed with the word "shame" shouted in unison by hundreds of citizens and heard in every corner of the province: Shame on all of us politicians for failing to uphold the human rights of same-sex relationships.
To me, it was one of the bleakest days in the history of this House. Politics prevailed over justice, common sense gave in to ignorance, and decency lost to ignominy.
I was shocked by some of the offensive remarks made during the debate in this House. It astounds me that some members refused to reflect logically about the issue, preferring instead to give vent to their worst instincts and fears. I see this as an abdication of our duty as legislators.
Amid all of this, I was moved by the impassioned appeals made on behalf of gays and lesbians and their families by many members. In particular, I want to thank Mr Poirier for delivering the most moving speech I have heard in this House in years. Rarely have such words of respect for our fellow human beings been uttered in this place with such simplicity and conviction.
I salute the gay and lesbian people for their leadership and determination. The debate in which they engaged us has been a source of enlightenment for many people from all walks of life. The rights of same-sex relationships have been advanced significantly by this debate in spite of its conclusion.
I join Mr Poirier in his exhortation, "Vive la différence."
MULTICULTURAL EVENTS
Mr Steven W. Mahoney (Mississauga West): Recently, we enjoyed a weekend in Mississauga where groups got together under the name and the banner of Carassauga, which was to celebrate all activities that go on in the multicultural community throughout our community.
Last night, the member for Brampton North hosted, along with our leader in caucus, a reception for folks from Brampton, who are leading up to the Carabram festivities, and of course we have Caravan coming up in the GTA in the Toronto area.
The purpose of telling you about this is to say that this is a real opportunity to foster understanding among the various communities in our city and indeed around the province, an opportunity for us to enjoy the many different cultures, the food and a little bit of the liquid refreshment from time to time.
In my own community, we had 17 pavilions that were set up around the entire city. My wife and I were able to attend at 14 of them before we ran out of steam on the Sunday and ran out of time.
Every year, this is an opportunity for us to get to know one another in the community, to enjoy the positive aspects of family life with the many different groups. This year, in Mississauga, we actually had an Ontario pavilion, where we learned about early life in Ontario with the settlers, and it was a great success in our city. I look forward to Brampton's and to Caravan in Toronto.
AGRICULTURAL LABOUR POLICY
Mr Noble Villeneuve (S-D-G & East Grenville): Recently, I received this card in the mail, which must be an embarrassment to the Liberal Party. The card is actually coming from Lyn McLeod, the leader of the Liberals. As we know, when a Liberal puts something down on paper, we ask ourselves, "Can you trust them?" Recent events would say not.
The issue is Bill 91. When the NDP first introduced this bill in July 1993, I was the only critic from any party to say that a PC government would immediately scrap the bill. The Liberal Labour critic, the member for Mississauga West, refused to make that commitment. During the Bill 40 debate, only the PC Party moved an amendment to exempt agriculture. The Liberals had the same chance and did nothing.
Why did they fail to act? you ask. Today, the Liberals claim they want to restore the exemption. Where were they? They were absent when they had chance to do it. We cannot trust them. Why is it that everyone close to the issue knows that the discussions that led to Bill 91 began in 1986, under a Liberal government? Is that why the Liberal Opposition Day motion on April 5 of this year only called on the government to redraft Bill 91? We said we would scrap it.
It is only now that some Liberals have said they are opposed to Bill 91, but if Lyn McLeod is opposed today, she probably would not be tomorrow. That's the Liberal policy.
Make no mistake: Even Lyn McLeod's card declares that Liberals intend to unionize the family farm.
The facts are obvious. The Liberals failed to do their homework on Bill 91. They intend to unionize the family farm. They cannot be trusted.
SYDENHAM STREET UNITED CHURCH
Mr Gary Wilson (Kingston and The Islands): On Saturday, June 18, the congregation of Sydenham Street United will launch a public appeal to raise money to restore the 142-year-old church. The estimated cost of restoring stone, mortar and wood beams is $600,000, which shows the commitment of the congregation to ensuring that their building will continue to be an important landmark in the Kingston area.
But it's much more than a building. It's a dynamic group of men, women and children which, in the words of the 35th and current minister, Bill Hendry, continues a spirit that has always been one of giving and welcoming to all members of the community.
Certainly I've felt welcomed at special services I've attended, as well as concerts, both in the church proper and the hall. I vividly recall the singing of the choir from Kingston's Chinese community as they celebrated their New Year in the church hall. Like many other parents in the community, I've listened anxiously while my daughter has taken her Royal Conservatory of Music piano exams.
Music is obviously an important activity at Sydenham Street United. The choir director and organist, F.R.C. Clarke, not only leads a first-rate choir but also adds to our musical heritage through his composing.
But Sydenham's community involvement goes far beyond music. It is an important meeting place for Alcoholics Anonymous and Alanon, as well as the Helen Tufts tutorial program for disadvantaged children. With other groups, it provides food vouchers, counselling and friendship to Kingston residents in times of need.
Obviously, these activities can and do go on at other locations in our community. We have only to step outside the legislative building to see the multimillion-dollar restoration program under way at Queen's Park. We support the restoring of our Parliament building because it's important to our province's political heritage.
So it is with Sydenham United Church. By restoring their building, the congregation now is reaffirming the commitment of the small group of Methodists who decided to build the original church. But most importantly, they are carrying on the tradition of giving and welcoming to all members of the community into the future.
VISITORS
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): I invite all members to join me in welcoming to our chamber, and seated in the Speaker's gallery, members of the consular corp stationed in Toronto, representing 12 countries. Welcome to our chamber.
CORRECTION
Mr Bruce Crozier (Essex South): I rise with regard to a petition I gave on primary health care in this House last week.
On Thursday, June 9, I read a petition regarding primary health care which I had erroneously attributed to the nurse practitioners of Ontario. The petition should in fact be attributed to the Ontario College of Family Physicians.
I wish to express my apologies to the nurse practitioners' association of Ontario for any inconvenience this may have caused, and would like the record to reflect that the proper sponsor of that particular petition is the Ontario College of Family Physicians.
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ORAL QUESTIONS
SALE OF AMMUNITION
Mr Robert Chiarelli (Ottawa West): Before I ask the question, my question was supposed to be for the Solicitor General, who is not here. The other lead question was for the Minister of Education and Training, who is not here. We were advised that both ministers would be here.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): The member will know that it is not appropriate to identify members who are not present. I would ask that he place his question.
Mr Chiarelli: In the absence of the Solicitor General, I'll ask my question to the Attorney General. Hopefully, she will be apprised of what's happening in this particular area.
The minister will no doubt acknowledge that there's broad public consensus demanding that governments act, and act now, to curb violence in our communities. In response to this consensus, our caucus supported the introduction of a private member's bill, Bill 151, to control the purchase and sale of ammunition in Ontario.
This bill was debated on April 21 and MPPs from all parties voted in favour of this particular bill in principle and voted to refer it to the justice committee.
I see that the Solicitor General is now here. Minister, and I'm addressing this to the Solicitor General, on several occasions you personally left the clear impression in this Legislature that you supported this bill in principle but your main concern was whether it was constitutional. This was also stated explicitly by the Attorney General's parliamentary assistant in second reading debate.
The justice committee has now heard from two constitutional law experts that the province has clear authority to legislate in this area, and there's no doubt about that, yet last night at 5 pm your NDP members of the standing committee on administration of justice presented recommendations that would leave this whole area up to the federal government, with the province doing nothing to control the purchase and sale of ammunition.
Minister, you have the authority and you have a bill before you which was approved in principle. Why won't you show leadership and legislate in this area?
Hon David Christopherson (Solicitor General): Once again, we see the Liberals asking for a certain process to take place and then, when they're not satisfied with something or other, they change their minds and decide, no, they want it to be dealt with here and now in the House. That's pretty consistent with what we saw last week.
I will say again that we committed to the process because we sincerely wanted to have the kind of debate that is taking place in committee. I think we need to let the committee report. I have said very clearly that this government is very supportive of the issue of more responsible regulation of access to and control of ammunition, and we will follow up on that.
But I do think that if I did not wait until that report, which is due very shortly, within days or within a couple of weeks, then you, the honourable member, would be on your feet saying that it was a charade, that we weren't really interested in listening and that we were just playing games. I suggest to you, through the Speaker, that you're playing games with this and you're continuing to play games with it.
Mr Chiarelli: Minister, you have instructed your members of that committee to hijack the process. It's not the opposition. Minister, there's a broad public consensus for governments to act in this area. The Legislature has voted in principle to support the control of the purchase and sale of ammunition.
Minister, I want you to pay attention to the following advice from Mrs Priscilla de Villiers, from the victims' rights group CAVEAT, Canadians Against Violence Everywhere Advocating its Termination:
"I would urge you to take the leadership here.... Ontario has a huge population in Canada, has a big voice...assist us as we pound on the gates.... I would urge you please to take the leadership role."
That's what she told your members of the committee.
Also, Constable Tom Whitehead of the Metropolitan Toronto Police Force:
"I think the legislation that is being talked about and considered is going to make a difference.... I feel that it's a step in the right direction to help myself as a police officer and to help the citizens of this county."
Scott Newark of the Canadian Police Association: "Ontario should take a leadership role."
On second reading, Minister, the parliamentary assistant to the Attorney General:
"So who could possibly oppose greater restriction of the sale of ammunition? I certainly can't. Most people I know couldn't oppose further restriction of ammunition sales. However, we do have to be mindful, and I think that the member for Ottawa West is mindful, that there are some constitutional challenges here."
Those constitutional challenges have been met. There's no problem constitutionally. That's what the committee was told.
The Speaker: Does the member have a question?
Mr Chiarelli: My question is this: In light of these comments, Minister, why are you instructing NDP justice committee members to cool it on controlling ammunition sales in the province of Ontario?
Hon Mr Christopherson: The only thing that has been hijacked around here is whatever was left of the credibility and integrity of the Ontario Liberal Party. We continue to see that here today.
Let me be very clear, because the member is having a great deal of difficulty understanding some very simple principles.
First of all, this government is very supportive of the issue of putting more responsible control around the issue of ammunition.
Second, we agreed that because of the importance of this issue to the public, and I think to all parliamentarians here, we needed to have an all-party, non-partisan discussion at a legislative committee and to do it as quickly as possible, and we're doing that.
Third, we have said that the primary responsibility is obviously that of the federal government. If they don't move in this area, then the Ontario government needs to, provided we have the constitutional ability to do that. If, however, the federal government is going to take responsibility and move very quickly, then it's redundant for any province to move on its own legislation unless the federal government is taking longer than we think is appropriate or necessary.
But to stand up here today and talk about "Why haven't we done anything? and "Why are there delays?" is just another example of how you want to have integrity when you stand up in here, yet when you go out and work the process, you want to change it all to suit yourself. This is a bogus allegation that he's making, and he knows that. I say again on behalf of this government, we're very supportive --
The Speaker: Would the minister conclude his response, please.
Hon Mr Christopherson: -- of the issue of ammunition control, and we'll prove it to you.
Mr Chiarelli: Notwithstanding that harangue, I happen to think you're one of the better ministers on that side of the House. However, you have a tendency sometimes to be very bureaucratic.
We're not talking about hypothetical or academic questions here. I was told several weeks ago by the owner of a hunting and fishing store in my riding on Carling Avenue in Ottawa that he has no problem selling ammunition to a 15-, 16- or 17-year-old student. As well, last month a Scarborough high school student was found in school carrying a backpack loaded with ammunition for an AK-47 assault rifle, ammunition which can be purchased over the counter by a 14-, 15- or 16-year-old in Ontario.
Minister, you don't have the luxury to write to the federal government to ask it to control over-the-counter ammunition and to wait for some future action. You have the obligation, you have the authority and you have a bill before you to act now. Why don't you show the leadership? Why don't you instruct your members on the justice committee to move on Bill 151 and get this thing passed to respond to the people of Ontario?
Hon Mr Christopherson: First of all, let me say that I appreciate the compliment. I hope that, given recent experience, the member doesn't change his mind tomorrow, but I do with respect acknowledge the remark and thank him for that.
However, back to the issue. The fact of the matter is that I've made the commitment on behalf of this government. We will honour that commitment. The question now is, what's the best way to proceed in the interest of public safety? I would like and I would think all members of this House would like the benefit of our legislative all-party committee that has taken the time to look at this in detail and report back to us. Then, when I respond on behalf of this government to the recommendations in that report, we can have this debate. But until that happens, let's let our honourable colleagues do the job we set for them to do rather than change the process in midstream, which the Liberals continue to want to do on this particular issue.
SKILLS TRAINING
Mr Steven W. Mahoney (Mississauga West): My question is to the Minister of Education in the absence of the Minister of Labour. I think it's an issue he may have some interest in or some knowledge of.
My question concerns the Golden Key Centre for Learning, which is the school of choice for the Workers' Compensation Board to send its workers for retraining. This Golden Key Centre is located in Richmond Hill. According to its promotional material, it is designated as a private school inspected by the Ministry of Education and provides programs to prepare adults for entry into community colleges.
The curious thing is that it seems the Ministry of Education has never heard of the Golden Key Centre for Learning, and until they received calls from my office and my colleague Mr Kwinter's office, the Ministry of Education had indeed, contrary to their statements, never inspected this school. Yet this school is issuing certificates -- I have one here fresh off a word processor -- granting grade 12 equivalency to its students.
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Minister, why is the WCB referring injured workers to a school to upgrade their academic qualifications when that school is not a recognized institution by your ministry and in fact has no business issuing certificates that claim that their students have achieved grade 12 equivalency?
Hon David S. Cooke (Minister of Education and Training): I will want to get the information from the ministry and from the Ministry of Labour before I try to answer the question. I'd certainly be interested in seeing the certificate that the member is referring to. He will understand that there is a difference between a certificate that an institution might issue and a secondary school diploma that would be issued with the sanction of the Ministry of Education and Training. There is quite a difference, but I certainly would like to check into the comments that the member has made.
Mr Mahoney: I'll be happy to send you a copy of this. It states right on it that it is a grade 12 equivalency. I can appreciate the fact that this should more appropriately perhaps go to the Minister of Labour, but your ministry is very much involved in inspecting these schools that are claiming to be issuing certificates that are indeed equivalent to grade 12.
An even more curious thing -- and you might check into this too, Minister -- about the Golden Key Centre for Learning is that all of their adult students are referrals by the Workers' Compensation Board. Small wonder, actually, because they charge the WCB $1,350 per student per month. By comparison, the Peel Board of Education would charge an adult student for the same course a cost of $50 for the entire course, a portion of which is refundable when the books are returned.
The Toronto Board of Education would charge anywhere from $10 to $30, depending on the course, and injured workers graduating from these courses would have something to show for their work: a legitimate diploma recognized by your ministry and by post-secondary institutions.
Minister, will you, along with your Minister of Labour, instruct the Workers' Compensation Board to refer their injured workers that they send out for retraining to a public board of education so that the courses are up to your ministry's standards and so that the Workers' Compensation Board can save tens, perhaps hundreds, of thousands of dollars in retraining costs?
Hon Mr Cooke: As I indicated to the member, I certainly will check into the situation. I don't think it's entirely fair to compare the $1,300 to the $50 or $10, since with the courses that are offered at the public school system, there would be additional costs to the program that would be picked up through either the local levy of property taxes or provincial money, but more likely the local levy. So the comparison wouldn't be entirely fair. But I want to get more information about the situation before I comment about the specifics.
Mr Mahoney: Minister, we're going to be debating later today a major bill on reforming the Workers' Compensation Board, and I recognize that your responsibility is in the Ministry of Education, but this is an agency under your control that is referring workers out for retraining to an institution that is approved by that agency, which claimed to have the blessing of your ministry and which is charging $1,350 per student per month, as opposed to a $50 cost by a public board which obviously is endorsed by your ministry.
The injured worker who brought this to my attention, through Mr Kwinter's office, is Mr Ronald Bowyer. Mr Bowyer has spent the last seven months at the Golden Key Centre, and he had no option in this matter. It was, "Attend this school or lose your benefits under the WCB." At $1,350 per month, the board has spent $9,450 for Mr Bowyer to earn this certificate right here, which is not even recognized by the Ministry of Education or any post-secondary institution.
You could have spent less than $50 and enrolled him in a public board. You could have enrolled 189 workers for $9,450.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Would the member place a question, please.
Mr Mahoney: For that matter, you could have sent one to university, including all costs, including room and board.
I understand that the WCB presently has no process in place to monitor or approve educational institutions for their injured workers --
The Speaker: Would the member place a question, please.
Mr Mahoney: -- not even anything as simple as contacting your ministry.
Minister, will you put the brakes on this reckless spending at the WCB and will you, along with the Minister of Labour and the Premier, ensure that injured workers are indeed sent to institutions for retraining that are recognized by your ministry?
Hon Mr Cooke: The short answer to that very long question is that I told the member that we would check into the situation and get the facts. The minister who is primarily responsible for the issue is the Minister of Labour. Between the two of us, we'll get the information. I wouldn't necessarily go by all of the so-called facts that the member has laid out for us.
WORKERS' COMPENSATION BOARD
Mrs Elizabeth Witmer (Waterloo North): My question is for the Minister of Labour. I'm disappointed that in a day that we're discussing Bill 165, the Minister of Labour's not here to respond to the questions. In his absence, I will go to the Minister of Finance.
Last fall, after an extensive study of the WCB, the management representatives of the PLMAC advised the government, and I want to quote:
"The workers' compensation in Ontario is in crisis. The system is already technically bankrupt and owes workers $11 billion more than it has money to pay them. Without fundamental reform, there will not be enough money to pay injured workers unless the taxpayers of Ontario assume the payments."
Further, the minister will know that the bond rating services have identified the WCB's unfunded liability and the failure of the government to come up with a sensible strategy for dealing with it as a cause for concern with respect to the province's credit rating.
I want to quote Walter Schroeder, the president of Dominion Bond Rating Service, who, in the Globe and Mail on November 8, 1993, said, "If the government doesn't deal with it, it could raise the province's debt rating level 15% to 20%."
Despite these warnings from the business community and from the bond rating people, Bill 165 does nothing to address the unfunded liability crisis. In fact, according to the bill and your best estimates, after 20 years, the unfunded liability is going to increase further to $13 billion.
Minister, given that the bill will increase the unfunded liability, can you tell us today how you can expect that this will not adversely affect Ontario's credit rating?
Hon Floyd Laughren (Minister of Finance): The member raises an important issue, namely, the unfunded liability of the Workers' Compensation Board, which has been building for many, many years, as I'm sure she'd acknowledge.
When we were looking at the unfunded liability the board was heading for without any intervention on the part of government, it was obvious that by the year 2014, as I recall, the unfunded liability of the board at that point was going to be over $30 billion. It seems to me that was completely unacceptable, which is one reason the Premier's Labour-Management Advisory Committee was struck, to deal with that and many other issues.
Rather than casting it in a light of increasing the unfunded liability of the province, I think the member would agree that what we will accomplish by the changes that will be made at the WCB will be to reduce the unfunded liability from almost a dead certainty of over $30 billion, down to a level -- I think she used the number of $13 billion by that year, which seems to me to be a major accomplishment.
Mrs Witmer: Minister, you didn't answer my question, and that was, how can you expect that this will not adversely affect Ontario's credit rating? That's what I'd like to know. But the other issue we need to come back to is the fact that the management caucus of the PLMAC did have a proposal which would have allowed the unfunded liability to be eliminated by the year 2014, and that's what our objective needs to be.
Unfortunately, this bill you've introduced is still going to leave it at $13 billion, which is beyond what we have today, $11.5 billion. So this bill doesn't address the unfunded liability crisis at the WCB. I'm concerned because it will have an impact on workers in the future.
One of the elements in the bill is that you have increased for workers and given them $200 per month for those who are receiving awards for permanent partial disability. The public needs to know that this increase is being paid to all workers in the designated category regardless of need, and that's important.
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The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Could the member place a question, please.
Mrs Witmer: This aspect is going to add $1.5 billion to the WCB's unfunded liability. Considering that the WCB had a cash flow shortage of $74 million in 1993, where are you going to find the money to pay the additional benefit?
Hon Mr Laughren: I hope the member will be fair in acknowledging the fact that on the advisory committee there was labour represented and management represented. One position a person could take is that since the Workers' Compensation Board is funded totally by employer contributions, therefore the unfunded liability should be resolved completely by increases in employer contributions. That isn't what came out of that committee. Fairminded people sitting on it recognized the fact that the assessment rates are already relatively high for employers in the province who contribute to the Workers' Compensation Board system.
At the same time, there are groups of workers out there who are not doing very well under our present system of compensation, the older workers for whom there's little chance that they will be rehabilitated. It was felt very strongly by most fairminded people that those folks should get an increase in their benefits. I don't think that's irresponsible; I think that's simply being fairminded.
Mrs Witmer: Unfortunately, Minister, what you've done is you haven't even maintained the status quo at $11.5 billion; you've increased the unfunded liability to $13 billion. I guess the only person suffering the consequences at the end of the day might be the injured worker who because of the bankruptcy of the system receives no benefits whatsoever.
However, I want to be fair to you and your government, because the crisis we have today has been bequeathed to you by your predecessors in the Liberal Party, who expanded the unfunded liability from $2.7 billion to over $9 billion during their tenure.
What they did was to fully index benefits, a move which added $2 billion to the unfunded liability, and they introduced the future economic loss awards, which immediately added an additional $1 billion to the unfunded liability. However, at the time they did this, the Minister of Labour at that time, Gregory Sorbara, said: "The overall financial impact of these reforms will be revenue-neutral. They will reallocate resources within the workers compensation system to compensate for loss of earning ability and help focus our efforts on the priority of rehabilitation."
Minister, we know that hasn't happened. Will you explain, despite the fact that the PLMAC identified those FEL awards as a serious concern, why Bill 165 does not address this problem of the FEL awards?
Hon Mr Laughren: There are some specifics in the member's question that I prefer were dealt with by the Minister of Labour, but I would say to the member opposite that to put in perspective the number of $13 billion -- I'm not suggesting for a moment that this doesn't represent an increase from the unfunded liability today of $11 billion, but if you work backwards the way the actuaries do to net present value, that $13 billion in the year 2014 will be the equivalent of -- I don't have the study in front of me, but I seem to recall it will be the equivalent of something like $3 billion in net present value. I don't want to dismiss that or regard it as unimportant, but at the same time it really is, in terms of present-day value, a major reduction in the unfunded liability of the WCB.
Mr Charles Harnick (Willowdale): It's still $13 billion.
Hon Mr Laughren: Of course it's $13 billion, but in today's terms that is about $3 billion.
To be fair, you should acknowledge the fact that because employer contributions have not kept up with the payout of benefits by the WCB, what the board was headed for was an unfunded liability in excess of $30 billion. To put it in perspective, I believe this bill goes some way to reining in the growth in the unfunded liability of the board.
TORONTO ISLANDS COMMUNITY
Mrs Margaret Marland (Mississauga South): My question is to the Minister of Housing, and it has to do with the purchase list for housing on the Toronto Islands.
According to information I've obtained, these people, whose claim to an existing house is in dispute, will be given the highest priority for purchasing new homes and land leases -- but remember, many disputed claims come from tenants who for years did not pay rent on their homes when Metro Toronto owned the land. The second priority is islanders who wish to move to another site. The third priority is residents of the islands' cooperative housing association, islanders with joint tenancy who wish to separate, and the adult children of island residents. The last priority, of course, is outsiders.
Yes, the tight NDP enclave on the Toronto Islands will be well protected. They will reap the benefits of Bill 61, which gave them the sweetheart deal of the century, with a-dollar-a-day rent, a-dollar-a-day land lease for 99 years. Indeed, those who were essentially squatters for years are being particularly well rewarded. They had a chance to save a pile of money and will now get first preference for purchasing a home.
Minister, do you agree with these priorities for the purchases of Toronto Island housing?
Hon Evelyn Gigantes (Minister of Housing): The member opposite, as a member of the Conservative Party, of course has always been dedicated to the destruction of housing on the Toronto Islands, though I wonder if her memory goes back far enough to recall that one Conservative member, who became the Conservative leader in this province for a short period of time -- I refer to Larry Grossman, of course -- was always in favour of continuing a community on the Toronto Islands.
It has also been a great bugaboo of this member and some other members of her party, and indeed some Liberal members, that when non-profit housing is developed and when communities are being preserved, there might be some people who might have voted for the NDP who would live in the housing involved. There are also some Conservatives and there are also some Liberals, and I hope she will begin to understand that situation.
The Toronto Islands community is like other communities. The people who live in it, who wish to continue to live in it and who wish to see it developed as a wonderful community within Metropolitan Toronto, supported, I might say, at this stage by the Metro government, contain all varieties of people: sizes, shapes, hair colours, ages, and indeed political parties.
Mrs Marland: The Toronto Islands are not like any other land waiting to be developed. The Toronto Islands are a park, for crying out loud.
It's no wonder that you, as minister, can't see the error of your government's ways when the policy adviser to the Minister of Municipal Affairs, Mr Bill Freeman, is a Toronto Islander himself. It is no wonder that housing is planned for environmentally sensitive sites when Bill Freeman was also Ruth Grier's policy adviser on the GTA when she was Environment minister.
Mrs Grier's communications adviser, Madeleine McLaughlin, is a Toronto Islander, as are Ms McLaughlin's brothers, Frank and Terry McLaughlin, who also have summer homes there. Think about that. They also have homes in the city. So much for the government's arguments about housing people in need.
We already know the lawyer for the island trust, Bruce Lewis, is married to Minister Grier's chief of staff, who, like Mr Freeman and Ms McLaughlin, worked for Mrs Grier in the Environment and GTA portfolios when Bill 61 was being drafted and debated.
There are many more connections like these. These NDP members and their pals are getting the housing deal of the century in Toronto.
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How can we trust your government's judgement on the Toronto Islands when senior advisers to cabinet ministers, including the former Environment minister, have a vested interest in maintaining their cosy island community?
Hon Ms Gigantes: This begins to be ridiculous. To hear the member opposite speak, somebody who votes NDP shouldn't have a place to live in Ontario. I mean, you'd drive them right across the American border, I suppose, or up into James Bay. What is this nonsense? These are not questions being raised by the member for Mississauga South; these are a bunch of slanders which she wouldn't repeat outside the Legislature.
I'd like to call to her attention the fact that the Toronto Star carried a very careful and lengthy apology about an article which contained some of the so-called facts she is using in her rhetorical statements today. She might be well advised to refer back to the Toronto Star of last Thursday and see which facts she has wrong, again.
Mrs Marland: If this minister would like to go through the list I've given today and tell me that those people don't own houses on the island and don't own properties in Toronto, and at the same breath say they still want to provide housing for the poor, the people in need -- that's what's ridiculous.
What is even more ridiculous is that this government is fast-tracking this process. They are exempting the Toronto Islands development from every other control that every other developer has to face. In fact, the Crombie commission recommended full protection of the Toronto Islands. The member for Dufferin-Peel and I have written to the Environmental Commissioner, Eva Ligeti, asking her to consider the environmental impact of building houses. Also, the Metropolitan Toronto and Region Conservation Authority, the city of Toronto and the Ministry of Natural Resources all have concerns.
Now we learn that the seawall lands, which to date have been ruled out as a housing site, are considered the best site for new housing because they are the highest parcel of land within the trust boundaries and flooding is a serious problem.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Could the member place a question, please.
Mrs Marland: Yes, I do have a question. Because the seawall side is still hazard land subject to spring flooding, public money will therefore go to support housing on a site which under normal regulatory process would not be approved. Moreover, the seawall area should be parkland, not housing. Minister, will you allow housing to be built on the seawall lands and extend this élitist NDP enclave?
Hon Ms Gigantes: The housing that will be developed on the Toronto Islands will be developed within the Jobs Ontario Homes program, meeting all the tests of the Jobs Ontario Homes program. It will be built within the environmental guidelines that have been established in this province.
It will be a community which, though she may not like to see it, in fact will provide housing for people of low income. She does not like to accept that fact. I know the Conservative Party doesn't want to see housing developed in the non-profit housing program anywhere in the province. Don't talk about environmental regulations. Don't talk about program rules. They don't want to see non-profit housing developed anywhere. They should come clean and say, "We don't favour non-profit housing anywhere, and on the Toronto Islands."
HEALTH FUNDING
Mr Gerry Phillips (Scarborough-Agincourt): My question is to the Minister of Finance, and it has to do with the issue of how much money is being spent on health care in the province.
The minister will know that the government issued a report recently that outlined the amount of money the province was spending on health care, which is an important component. But as the minister knows, about two thirds of the spending on health care is provided by the province, and well over a third comes from other sources, as the minister will know. If we want to understand what is happening to health spending in the province, we have to understand the total amount being spent on health in the province. The province, as I said, provides about $17 billion, and another $9 billion is provided from other sources.
Can the Minister of Finance confirm that we are spending an additional $9 billion, roughly, from other sources? And more important, can he confirm that the percentage of funding coming from non-provincial sources is actually growing much faster than provincial sources and increasing as a percentage of the amount of money being spent on health care in the province?
Mr Murray J. Elston (Bruce): Just say yes.
Hon Floyd Laughren (Minister of Finance): I won't say yes, because I'm somewhat puzzled by what may be built into the question, and I may find out on the supplementary.
I would say to the member for Scarborough-Agincourt that he's right about the amount of spending on health care. It's about $17 billion a year.
I don't say this as a partisan shot, but during the 1980s, provincial health care expenditures were increasing each year over the previous year by about 11%, and drug benefits by almost 20% each year over the previous year. That was completely unsustainable. It's thanks to the work of the present Minister of Health and the previous Minister of Health that we've reined in that growth in those costs, because that really was unsustainable. It's one of the areas that simply had to be addressed. It means making difficult decisions, but I really think it had to be done.
I await with some considerable interest the member's supplementary.
Mr Phillips: The purpose of the question is, if we don't understand and we aren't monitoring how much money is being spent on health from non-provincial sources, we frankly just aren't managing the health system.
The minister will know that we talk in this report about hospital spending but we ignore $3 billion of hospital spending that is raised from non-provincial sources. So I say the report is useful but extremely incomplete: It doesn't report on health spending in the province; it reports where the provincial spending is going. If the minister doesn't understand that, I think we have a problem with how we are managing our health care system. In our judgement, the province is systematically looking to offload its health spending on to other areas. The minister shakes his head, but the hospitals tell us they increasingly have to find other sources of funding besides the province.
My question is this, and it's an important one: Is it the plan of the government to systematically move health spending off your books and on to someone else's books, whether it be private insurers or hospital fund-raisers or billing directly to employers? Is that the health plan, to systematically move health funding off the provincial books and on to other sources? Is that where this provincial government is heading?
Hon Mr Laughren: There's no question that any government in this province, and indeed other provinces as well, is having difficulty funding a universally accessible health care system. All provinces are having that difficulty, for obvious reasons. We have an aging population and we have increasingly expensive technology and procedures that are in place and that people demand, so there's no question that there's an increasing problem in funding our health care system.
My own view is that unless provinces contain the growth in the cost of health care and medicare, we will slowly but surely be unable to pay for it and we'll lose the basic ingredients of a health care system of which most of us are very, very proud indeed.
Our attempt is not to shift the cost to anybody else. Despite what the federal government has done to us on health care, we are not trying to shift it to anybody else, but I say as vigorously as I can, we are attempting to rein in the growth in health care costs while at the same time continuing to provide the essential services.
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HEALTH INSURANCE
Mr Cameron Jackson (Burlington South): My question is for the Deputy Premier and Treasurer today. Minister, your government recently made a dramatic and rather draconian move to reduce OHIP coverage for emergency hospital services outside of Canada.
Although there have been several questions raised in the House, today there was a rally in front of Queen's Park with several hundred senior citizens, and they brought a different perspective to this debate. They in fact served notice that they were taking you and your government to court and they were taking it on. I quote directly from the comments that were stated this morning: "It's a tax equity issue, and we understand that by approaching the issue in this manner, we will be granted standing by the courts to present our case and ultimately may be granted leave to address the issue in the Supreme Court of Canada."
Given the fact that your government will now be sued over this issue, given that the minister herself said there is a task force studying this issue and the report will be coming out soon, and given, thirdly, that your own ministry has indicated it's not sure exactly how much of a savings this is going to be, can I ask the minister why it wouldn't be a commonsense, wise decision to delay implementation of this edict, which is set to occur in two weeks, until these matters are resolved, to avoid additional costs to taxpayers for this costly legal exercise? We could, at the end of it, find out that what you're doing is illegal and we could avoid a lot of expense. Would you not consider delaying this decision, please?
Hon Floyd Laughren (Deputy Premier and Minister of Finance): Personally, I wouldn't. I haven't talked to the Minister of Health about that possibility, I must say.
It seems to me that what we are simply trying to do, and it ties in nicely with the previous question from the member for Scarborough-Agincourt, is that at a time when it's very difficult to rein in the growth in the cost of health care, governments have to look for ways to reduce their expenditures in the health care system. Out-of-province costs are one way in which we continue to be able to put the resources into the health care system in this province, not somewhere else. So that's one of the reasons we did that.
Everyone has the right, if they feel there are adequate grounds, to take it to the courts. That's fine. They can do that. The Minister of Health has indicated I believe that she's going to be talking to the federal Minister of Health and the other provinces on this matter; that is, keeping an open mind on the whole question.
Mr Jackson: I understand what you're trying to say, but I'm trying to convey to you the sense of what people are concerned about right today. Today they're concerned that you might save maybe $2 million or $3 million over the course of the summer -- no, just hear out this concern -- and we're saying you may end up spending $4 million or $5 million administering it and fighting it in court. There's compelling evidence here that this would not be a wise fiscal decision for the government.
My question is going to the Treasurer and Deputy Premier, so it's very much a concern of yours. Frankly, with the public statements of the federal Minister of Health basically saying that they don't agree with your government's decision and going to court in all probability in the next several weeks or months to test this question, it makes eminent good sense for the government to take one step back in the best interests of keeping those dollars in health services and not off fighting some legal debate in a court.
That's the point of raising this question with you today. This is new information to the debate. It's compelling evidence that we could lose an expensive court case.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Would the member place his question, please.
Mr Jackson: Quite frankly, at the end of it all, a lot of Ontario citizens, average citizens who are travelling abroad for whatever reason, could get caught in the crossfire, and the courts may rule ultimately that you owe that money back to those citizens who are out of pocket as a result of needing emergency care.
I ask you again, Minister, will you not please consider the financial arguments for delay briefly until this matter's resolved, to keep us out of court and keep those dollars in the health care system where they belong?
Hon Mr Laughren: The dollars in the health care system belong in this province. That's where the health care dollars belong.
I would remind the member opposite that we are one of, I believe, four provinces that have reduced rates for out-of-province coverage, so it's not as though we are out there all alone in this regard. I think there needs to be a consolidation of the position by all the provinces with the federal government in their interpretation of the Canada Health Act.
Rather than make a commitment like that to the member opposite, I would let the process unfold as the Minister of Health talks to her colleagues and to the federal Minister of Health.
RESIDENTIAL REHABILITATION ASSISTANCE PROGRAM
Mrs Ellen MacKinnon (Lambton): My question is to the Minister of Housing. Minister, I understand that you were in New Brunswick last week for the annual federal, provincial and territorial ministers' conference on housing issues.
On behalf of my constituents -- Lambton county, that is -- I would like to know if the Liberal government will keep its election promise found in its red book and renew the funds for the RRAP program, the residential rehabilitation assistance program. As recently as last month, my office was told by the administrators of the program for the Lambton area that the program was out of money.
Hon Evelyn Gigantes (Minister of Housing): Shortly after the election of the new federal government -- in fact, we had an earlier meeting of the housing ministers across Canada and at that time the federal minister indicated to the provincial ministers that the RRAP program, as it's called, would be reintroduced by the Liberals. However, we have not been given confirmation on when that program will be restarted.
Ontario has put forward a very strong position to the federal government that we should see some changes in the RRAP program administration so it will be open to use by people who can make better use of it in Ontario. In particular, we are looking at the situation of rooming house owners and other landlords who are able to provide tenancies for low-income residents of Ontario and asking that the federal government broaden the administrative rules for RRAP so that they can be provided that way.
But the simple answer is, not yet.
Mrs MacKinnon: Thank you, Madam Minister. The Tories cancelled non-profit housing construction and the urban native housing program, and from what I can see the Liberals continue to cut money from national housing, just like the Tories did.
What did your meeting with the federal minister result in to alleviate some of the hardships experienced by Canadians without decent housing?
Hon Ms Gigantes: The federal government has indicated that due to cost-cutting measures within the existing social housing programs across Canada -- and indeed, a large contributor to these cost savings has been the province of Ontario administration -- they will be used to assist programs that may affect aboriginal housing and may also be used for some special-needs housing in the future. But again, we have not been able to get a commitment from the federal government about the nature of the program that it is willing to be involved in or indeed about when those moneys would start flowing. We're certainly very anxious, and I have expressed that view on behalf of Ontario, to get on with some of the investment of the savings that we've managed to generate.
DEVELOPMENTALLY DISABLED
Mrs Yvonne O'Neill (Ottawa-Rideau): My question is to the Minister of Education and Training. May I ask a page, Mr Speaker, to take this binder over to the minister? This binder contains an open letter from a mother in my riding and 2,400 other people in eastern Ontario who have a question to ask the minister.
Many of these parents have been requesting this from the minister for a long time. This mother is requesting "the provision of full funding for individuals with developmental handicaps beyond the age of 21 years to the same extent that is available to other individuals and including an automatic eligibility for high school status."
Mr Minister, why are you discriminating against these vulnerable young people?
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Hon David S. Cooke (Minister of Education and Training): The ministry, with groups in the province, concerned parents and others, has been working on a policy, as the member will know, at the elementary-secondary level in terms of integration of special-needs students. We did take a major step forward with a program directive a couple of years ago in terms of integration at the local level, not at the neighbourhood level but at the community level.
We have now been working very extensively with groups and have determined a policy that will go the next step in terms of integration of special-needs students, and that policy I have discussed with advocacy groups and expect to be making announcements very soon. That covers the elementary and secondary levels.
Mrs O'Neill: Mr Minister, I don't know how comforting that letter is going to be to that mother. I just don't. You have said, up to this point, and I hope that you will reiterate this, that the Ontario Association for Community Living support is crucial to this matter. You likely know, as I do, that at the annual general meeting of that association held earlier this month, that support was obtained.
But, Mr Minister, the waiting lists continue to grow and this matter gets put further and further on the back burner, if not into oblivion altogether. I have the question for you then, Mr Minister: When are you going to give these young people -- and I'm talking about the 21-plus, not the elementary and secondary -- the educational opportunities they need and want?
Hon Mr Cooke: I think what we have to try to do during this difficult time of controls on expenditures is to make as much progress as we possibly can. We've done that through the development of a policy of integration of special-needs students at the elementary and secondary level, a policy that we talked to the advocacy groups and parents' groups about last week. They have been very supportive of the steps that we are taking, very supportive.
If the member is indicating that we're not moving quickly enough, I'd like to move more quickly. I'd like to move at the post-secondary level, but everything costs, in terms of resources. There was absolutely no progress made in this whole area between 1985 and 1990, during a time when dollars were rolling in at record levels. So don't lecture this government about the lack of action in terms of special-needs students. We're making progress during really difficult times. Where were you as a backbencher when your party was in power?
ENVIRONMENTAL TAXES
Mr David Tilson (Dufferin-Peel): I have a question for the Minister of Environment and Energy. Minister, your government is collecting $35 million each year from the distillers. Your government is collecting another $50 million each year from the 10-cent tax on beer cans. Can you tell us how you are using these two taxes on environmental matters?
Hon Bud Wildman (Minister of Environment and Energy): The member knows full well that revenues to government go into the consolidated revenue fund and are distributed through all government programs, whether they be environmental programs, health care, education and so on. So the member is quite aware of that and knew that before he asked the question.
Mr Tilson: I did know that and I guess my concern is, Minister, that when these taxes were introduced it was indicated that they would be used specifically for environmental matters. They certainly were. If you check Hansard and the arguments that were made by members of the government, that's exactly what they were intended to be used for.
You have made it clear that your government certainly has no intention to continue funding the blue box program in Ontario. In fact, last week you released a discussion paper indicating that the private sector would be leading a proposal to fund the blue box program.
Since the private sector appears to be going to be taking over the funding of the blue box program, my question is specifically -- there doesn't appear to be any need to have these two taxes, and it falls into the category of the Liberal tire tax. The Liberal tire tax, of course, had much criticism from your government and from our side that it simply went nowhere.
My question to the minister is: Wouldn't it be more commonsensical to discontinue the levying of these two taxes, when all it's doing is going into the consolidated revenue fund and not being used for any environmental purposes specifically?
Hon Mr Wildman: The member raises a number of questions and he is confused. The fact is this: The revenue going into the consolidated revenue fund from these particular levies is for the general revenues of the government, which are used for environmental programs as well as all the other programs of the government. That was always the question.
It was never suggested by anyone that these levies were equivalent to the Liberal imposition of a tire tax. That was never suggested. Because the tire tax was not used and never was used by that government or the subsequent government as it was originally proposed by the Liberals, we discontinued that tax.
The fact is this: The member seems to be opposed to product stewardship. It seems to me that if anybody is interested in the environment, they would want packagers that produce a great deal of packaging to contribute to the stewardship of those products and to contribute to the blue box.
This government is committed to the blue box. There are over three million households in this province now using the blue box and we intend to ensure that continues. We intend to ensure that the private sector makes a proper contribution to that program.
ALTERNATIVE FUELS
Mr Randy R. Hope (Chatham-Kent): I have a question to the Minister of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs that's going to deal with the environment, family farms and jobs, especially in rural communities.
It is well known that this government fully supports the development of the ethanol industry in Ontario. Ontario corn producers, rural communities in southwestern Ontario, now await the matching federal response to the potential investors in a $160-million ethanol plant in Chatham for greater certainty regarding the federal excise tax.
Time is running out, Mr Minister, for this project because of the realities. Given the potential of rural employment and economic benefits generated by the ethanol plant, what steps is the Minister of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs taking to ensure that the federal government will also support Chatham's ethanol project?
Hon Elmer Buchanan (Minister of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs): We've done a number of things. We continue to write letters on an almost weekly basis to my counterpart in Ottawa, the Honourable Mr Goodale, to encourage him to follow through on their commitments to provide the tax exemption for ethanol.
The other thing that we have done is last week, with my colleague the Minister of Economic Development and Trade, Frances Lankin, we actually signed an agreement with Commercial Alcohols which guarantees this province's commitment to provide the provincial sales tax exemption for the next 15 years. So we actually have a signed, legal agreement which guarantees and encourages this private investment, which is good for farmers, good for jobs and good for southwestern Ontario, and we're doing everything we can to encourage the federal government to follow suit.
Mr Hope: The minister is well aware that there is strong community support, as was indicated last Friday in the arena in my community, where over 2,000 people participated in support towards the ethanol industry.
You know that the public is very supportive of this plant being located in the city of Chatham. We also want to know what further support is required for his federal colleague to make a decision. My understanding is that we have the Tories, who just about signed an agreement and were ready to give the exemption; we have a New Democratic policy, which you just indicated, which would set out a 15-year exemption; and we have a Liberal red book, by the way, which is going a little white and pale because they haven't lived up to some of their promises.
Mr Minister, I need to know, how do we support the family farms in Kent county and throughout central and southwestern Ontario --
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Would the member conclude his question, please.
Mr Hope: -- and how do we make these things a reality for my people?
Hon Mr Buchanan: I have been following what's been going on in Chatham. The honourable member was at the rally, I believe it was last Friday. I think it's important for us to recognize that there were also some federal Liberals there, who were all singing from the same songbook. We know that the member from Kent and the member from Middlesex were both there saying that this is important, that it's important for the federal cabinet to follow through. I noticed that the member from Middlesex yesterday said that the Ontario government had guts to proceed on this issue and that she wished her federal counterparts had the same kind of fortitude.
I know there is support from the Liberals in Ottawa and the only thing I can suggest is that the Liberal Party in Ontario perhaps should talk to the federal cabinet minister, who I believe is the Honourable Herb Gray, from Windsor, who represents that part of the province, and get some pressure on him.
I understand the cabinet in Ottawa has looked at this issue several times. The member is quite right that the federal Tories were within about a week of reaching agreement with Commercial, and they called the election before they signed it. I'm hoping that with the support of our colleagues across the way, perhaps together we can make this project come to successful fruition.
The Speaker: The time for oral questions has expired.
Mr Robert V. Callahan (Brampton South): On a point of privilege, Mr Speaker: Earlier today, in a statement to the House, I indicated to you an event that's taking place in my riding. One of the basic tenets of Parliament is the fact that members can communicate effectively with one another.
On behalf of a couple in my riding, I sent two letters to the Minister of Health, one dated April 25, the other dated May 25, hand-delivered in the House. Copies of those were sent over to the minister, who is not here, and I'd like them back. That's for starters.
Mr Speaker, these people, this couple in my riding, are facing the possibility of bankruptcy as a result of having to pay a bill to the Toronto Hospital --
The Speaker: Order. Would the member please take his seat.
Interjection.
The Speaker: Would the member please take his seat. The member will know that he does not have a point of privilege, but I appreciate the matter he's drawn to the attention of the House.
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MOTIONS
CONSIDERATION OF BILL PR119
Hon Brian A. Charlton (Government House Leader): This is a motion regarding a private bill from the town of Orangeville.
I move that at the request of the applicant and on the recommendation of the standing committee on the Legislative Assembly, standing order 80(e), concerning publication of notice of an application for a private bill, and standing order 87, respecting notice of committee hearings, be waived with respect to Bill Pr119, An Act respecting the Town of Orangeville.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Is it the pleasure of the House that the motion carry? Carried.
PETITIONS
KETTLE ISLAND BRIDGE
Mr Gilles E. Morin (Carleton East): I have a petition addressed to the Parliament of Ontario:
"Whereas the government of Ontario has representation on the Joint Administrative Committee on Planning and Transportation for the National Capital Region; and
"Whereas JACPAT has received a consultants' report recommending a new bridge across the Ottawa River at Kettle Island, which would link up to Highway 417, a provincial highway; and
"Whereas the city and regional councils of Ottawa, representing the wishes of citizens in the Ottawa region, have passed motions rejecting any new bridge within the city of Ottawa because such a bridge and its access roads would provide no benefits to Ottawa but would instead destroy existing neighbourhoods,
"We, the undersigned, petition the Parliament of Ontario as follows:
"To reject the designation of a new bridge corridor at Kettle Island or at any other location within the city of Ottawa core."
I will affix my signature.
TOBACCO PACKAGING
Mrs Dianne Cunningham (London North): I have a petition to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario in support of plain packaging of tobacco products:
"Whereas more than 13,000 Ontarians die each year from tobacco use; and
"Whereas Bill 119, Ontario's tobacco strategy legislation, is currently being considered by the Legislative Assembly of Ontario; and
"Whereas Bill 119 contains the provision that the government of Ontario reserves the right to regulate the labelling, colouring, lettering, script, size of writing or markings and other decorative elements of cigarette packaging; and
"Whereas independent studies have proven that tobacco packaging is a contributing factor leading to the use of tobacco products by young people; and
"Whereas the government of Ontario has expressed its desire to work multilaterally with the federal government and other provinces, rather than act on its own, to implement plain packaging of tobacco products; and
"Whereas the existing free flow of goods across interprovincial boundaries makes a national packaging strategy the most effective method of protecting the Canadian public;
"Therefore we, the undersigned, hereby petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:
"That the government of Ontario continue to work with and pressure the government of Canada to introduce and enforce legislation calling for plain packaging of tobacco products at the national level."
This petition is signed by almost 100 individuals, in fact more than 100, basically from the city of London and the county of Middlesex.
SEXUAL ORIENTATION
Mr Kimble Sutherland (Oxford): I am presenting three sets of petitions on the same issue. I'm presenting these petitions on behalf of the member for Cambridge, Mike Farnan, who as a minister without portfolio for Education cannot present petitions in the House.
As I say, there are three sets. One set has 108 names on it, another set has 874 signatures, mainly collected from St Ambrose and St Patrick's parishes in Cambridge. All the names on these petitions were opposing the implementation of Bill 167 or giving rights to same-sex couples. Mr Farnan had made a commitment that these would be read into the House on behalf of his constituents, and I am fulfilling that commitment for him.
WORKERS' COMPENSATION BOARD
Mr Steven W. Mahoney (Mississauga West): I have a petition to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:
"Whereas the Workers' Compensation Board is in a state of financial crisis; and
"Whereas the future benefits of injured workers are at certain risk; and
"Whereas the Premier ignored the advice from his own business advisors on his labour and management advisory committee to eliminate the unfunded liability and to ensure that the WCB does not negatively impact the competitiveness of Ontario business; and
"Whereas Bill 165 increases benefits at a time when the Workers' Compensation Board is experiencing negative cash flow;
"We, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:
"That the Ontario government withdraw Bill 165 and accept the responsible business recommendations provided to the Premier to ensure the sustainability of the workers' compensation system."
SEXUAL ORIENTATION
Mr Allan K. McLean (Simcoe East): I have a petition to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:
"We, the undersigned, beg leave to petition the Parliament of Ontario as follows:
"Whereas traditional family values that recognize marriage as a union between a man and a woman are under attack by Liberal MPP Tim Murphy in his private member's Bill 45; and
"Whereas this bill will change the meaning of the words 'spouse' and 'marital status' by removing the words 'of the opposite sex'; and
"Whereas this bill would recognize same-sex couples and extend to them all the same rights as heterosexual couples; and
"Whereas this bill was carried with the support of an NDP and Liberal majority but with no PC support in the second reading debate on June 24, 1993; and
"Whereas the NDP government has indicated it will force private sector employers to pay same-sex spousal benefits; and
"Whereas redefining marriage and forcing the private sector to pay same-sex spousal benefits will have serious negative economic and social implications;
"We, the undersigned, petition the NDP government to withdraw consideration of private sector spousal benefits for same-sex couples and refuse to pass the Liberal private member's Bill 45."
That's got 210 signatures from Orillia, Sebright, Penetanguishene, Lafontaine, Elmvale, Phillipston, Wyevale, Barrie and Midland, and I've attached my signature to it.
MOTORCYCLE AND SNOWMOBILE INSURANCE
Mr Ron Hansen (Lincoln): To the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:
"Whereas we, the undersigned" -- there are 973 -- "are of the opinion that private insurance companies are exploiting Ontario motorcyclists and snowmobile operators by charging excessive rates for coverage or by outright refusing to provide coverage;
"Whereas we, the undersigned, understand that those insurance companies that do specialize in motorcycle insurance will only insure riders with four or more years of riding experience and are outright refusing to insure riders who drive certain models of 'supersport' bikes; and
"Whereas we, the undersigned, believe this situation will cost hundreds of jobs at dealerships in the motorcycle industry and is contrary to the rights of motorcyclists and snowmobile operators;
"We, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:
"That the government of Ontario should study the feasibility of launching public motorcycle and snowmobile insurance."
These are from Toronto, from Ottawa, from all over Ontario.
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SEXUAL ORIENTATION
Mr Sean G. Conway (Renfrew North): I have a petition here signed by scores of my constituents from Pembroke, Petawawa, Beachburg, Eganville, which reads in part:
"Whereas in our opinion the majority of Ontarians believe that the privileges which society accords to married heterosexual couples should not be extended to same-sex relationships;
"We, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:
"We request that the Legislature do not pass into law any act to amend the Ontario Human Rights Code with respect to sexual orientation or any similar legislation that would change the present marital status for couples in Ontario."
JUSTICE SYSTEM
Mr Chris Hodgson (Victoria-Haliburton): I have a petition signed by over 575 people from the province of Ontario:
"Whereas we the citizens of Ontario agree that the clear dealings between the present justice system and the public establish a positive relationship for all concerned; and
"Whereas one building block of such a relationship is a fair and accurate way of dealing with habitual child sex offenders;
"We, the undersigned, petition the Parliament of Ontario as follows:
"We believe that one way of dealing with convicted habitual child sex offenders upon release that his/her photo and address be available to the public for a minimum of seven years in whatever area of the province he/she takes residence."
CASINO GAMBLING
Ms Christel Haeck (St Catharines-Brock): I would like on behalf of 100 residents of the peninsula, not only my riding but throughout the peninsula, to express their opinion that they, the undersigned, who are opposed to casino gambling, "request that the Legislative Assembly of Ontario not allow the city of Niagara Falls to become a candidate for a gambling casino unless there is broad-based, public support for such a facility, which we are requesting to be determined through a referendum vote by the citizens of Niagara Falls."
I support that petition and have affixed my name to it.
SEXUAL ORIENTATION
Mr John C. Cleary (Cornwall): "We, the undersigned citizens of Canada, draw the attention of the House to the following:
"Whereas the majority of Canadians believe the privileges which society accords to heterosexual couples should not be extended to same-sex relationships; and
"Whereas societal approval, including the extension of societal privileges, would be given to same-sex relationships if any amendment to the Canadian Human Rights Code were to be included in the undefined phrase 'sexual orientation' as a grounds of discrimination;
"Therefore, your petitioners pray and request the Parliament not to amend the Human Rights Code, the Canadian Human Rights Act or the Charter of Rights and Freedoms in any way that would tend to indicate societal approval for same-sex relationships or homosexuality, including amending the Human Rights Code to include in the prohibited grounds of discrimination the undefined phrase 'sexual orientation.'"
I've also signed that petition.
WORKERS' COMPENSATION BOARD
Mrs Elizabeth Witmer (Waterloo North): I have a petition to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:
"Whereas the Ontario Workers' Compensation Board is in a state of financial crises; and
"Whereas the future benefits of injured workers are at certain risk; and
"Whereas the Premier ignored the advice from his own business advisers on his labour and management advisory committee to eliminate the unfunded liability and to ensure that the WCB does not negatively impact the competitiveness of Ontario business; and
"Whereas Bill 165 increases benefits at a time when the Workers' Compensation Board is experiencing negative cash flow;
"We, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:
"That the Ontario government withdraw Bill 165 and accept the responsible business recommendations provided to the Premier to ensure the sustainability of the workers' compensation system."
This has been signed by about 90 people.
MOTORCYCLE AND SNOWMOBILE INSURANCE
Mr Mike Cooper (Kitchener-Wilmot): I have a number of petitions here and I think this brings it to over 5,000 petitions now that we have received. It's to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario and it states:
"We, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:
"That the government of Ontario should study the feasibility of launching public motorcycle and snowmobile insurance."
HEALTH INSURANCE
Mrs Barbara Sullivan (Halton Centre): I have a petition signed by hundreds of people from across the province who join with those who met on the steps of the Legislature today in petitioning the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:
"Whereas the Ontario government has announced its intention to reduce emergency coverage for out-of-country health care on June 30, 1994;
"Whereas the citizens of Ontario are entitled to health coverage no matter where they are with payment made on the basis of the amount that would be paid for a similar service in the province;
"Whereas the Canada Health Act entitles all Canadians to health care on an equal basis;
"Whereas this decision by the Minister of Health is in direct contravention of the Canada Health Act;
"We, the undersigned, petition the Legislature of Ontario to ensure the Minister of Health follow the provisions of the Canada Health Act and prevent further erosion of our health care system in Ontario."
I heartily endorse this petition and have affixed my signature to it.
Mr David Tilson (Dufferin-Peel): I have a petition addressed to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario, and it's signed by a number of people in the town of Caledon in the county of Dufferin.
"Whereas the provincial government has slashed health coverage by 75% for Ontario citizens who are hospitalized out of the country; and
"Whereas this will mainly affect the seniors who travel south in the winter for health reasons; and
"Whereas this is an indisputable violation of sections 7 and 11 of the Canada Health Act; and
"Whereas Mike Harris of the Ontario Progressive Conservative Party makes the preservation of medicare a priority in his Common Sense Revolution policy document;
"We, the undersigned, petition the government of Ontario to act in a fair manner by preserving the sacred principles of medicare and restore the out-of-country hospitalization coverage to the rates charged by hospitals in Ontario."
I have signed this petition.
TOBACCO PACKAGING
Ms Christel Haeck (St Catharines-Brock): On behalf of residents of St Catharines as well as Fonthill, I would like to express their concern with regard to tobacco products. I'm not going to read all of the preamble, but the final be-it-resolved is:
"Therefore, we, the undersigned, hereby petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:
"That the government of Ontario continue to work with and pressure the government of Canada to introduce and enforce legislation calling for plain packaging of tobacco products at the national level."
I concur with this petition, and I have affixed my signature in agreement and for submission.
JUSTICE SYSTEM
Mrs Joan M. Fawcett (Northumberland): I have a petition to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario.
"We, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:
"To protect our children by changing the current maximum penalty of 10 years, for sexual interference, to a minimum of five years, with mandatory counselling, and up to and including life imprisonment as a maximum penalty."
I have signed the petition.
TOBACCO PACKAGING
Mr Chris Hodgson (Victoria-Haliburton): I have a petition signed by over a score of residents from around my riding, and it has to do with the petition to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario in support of plain packaging of tobacco products. I won't read the whole preamble. It's:
"Therefore, we, the undersigned, hereby petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:
"That the government of Ontario continue to work with and pressure the government of Canada to introduce and enforce legislation calling for plain packaging of tobacco products at the national level."
INTRODUCTION OF BILLS
LIONS CLUB OF KINGSVILLE ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Crozier, the following bill was given first reading:
Bill Pr125, An Act to revive The Lions Club of Kingsville.
ELECTRICAL CONSTRUCTION ASSOCIATION OF HAMILTON INC. ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Abel, the following bill was given first reading:
Bill Pr126, An Act to revive Electrical Construction Association of Hamilton Inc.
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ORDERS OF THE DAY
House in committee of the whole.
RETAIL SALES TAX AMENDMENT ACT, 1993 / LOI DE 1993 MODIFIANT LA LOI SUR LA TAXE DE VENTE AU DÉTAIL
Consideration of Bill 138, An Act to amend the Retail Sales Tax Act / Projet de loi 138, Loi modifiant la Loi sur la taxe de vente au détail.
The First Deputy Chair (Ms Margaret H. Harrington): We are now resuming the committee of the whole House dealing with Bill 138 and we are at section 5 of the bill. We have a government amendment, and I believe the last person who was dealing with the bill was Mr Johnson, Don Mills. Is he available?
Mr David Johnson (Don Mills): He's not only available; he's present. This bill was being debated some time ago. I can't even recall now, Madam Speaker: Do I call you Madam Chairman or Madam Speaker at this point?
The First Deputy Chair: Madam Chair.
Mr David Johnson: The particular section we're talking about pertains to a tax on the you-brew industry. It had been the intention of the government to implement a 26-cent-per-litre tax on the you-brew industry. In fact that was levied as of June -- well, let me see. That was levied last year, and the intent was to increase the levy this month to 31 cents and next year to 38 cents. Apparently we have an amendment by the government now to forgo the latter two price increases and, in addition, to cut in half the original tax on the you-brew industry.
The you-brew industry pertains to those small business people who run businesses whereby people come and brew their own beer or make their own wine. The problem that we have brought to the attention of the government, indeed many people have brought to the attention of the government, is that because of the tax, there have been a great many business failures in the industry.
My recollection is that of some 220 or 230 businesses within the province of Ontario, some 30% or 40% have failed primarily because this tax was implemented in the first place. What happened then was that people who would use the services of the you-brew industry found that with the tax the product was not competitive and they lost interest. Certainly the patronage of the you-brew industry went way down and the revenues went down and people went bankrupt.
I don't know if the government has any statistics in terms of how many businesses have gone bankrupt precisely at this moment -- I suppose it changes from month to month -- but it indicates the impact of taxes on the small business community in the province of Ontario and it illustrates again that if we heap taxes on taxes on taxes the business community cannot respond and ultimately they collapse under the weight of taxes. That's what has happened to the you-brew industry in the province of Ontario, unfortunately.
Fortunately, in this case the government did recognize the error of its ways and has decided at least to cut back on the taxes. I suppose there would be many small business people out there who would say, "You could go the whole distance and eliminate all of the tax," but at least this is one step in the right direction. I think that's what we were debating when we last met to deal with this particular issue several weeks ago.
I would pose a question to the parliamentary assistant who's in attendance today. At this point in time does he have statistics in terms of the actual numbers of businesses that have failed in the you-brew industry? I believe it would be some 30% or so of the small businesses across the province of Ontario. What number have failed.
Mr Anthony Perruzza (Downsview): What do you know about the you-brew industry?
Mr David Johnson: -- and is this a recognition --
Mr Perruzza: You're always quoting numbers that never, never have a good source.
Mr David Johnson: -- over the heckling, Madam Chairperson, that the government is recognizing the impact of taxes on the small business community?
Further, in terms of the employer health tax, where we've taken a holiday in the 1994 budget, is this a further recognition that we need to reduce taxes in the province of Ontario to allow business to grow and that the business community is smothering under the taxes we have in the province of Ontario? I pose that question to the parliamentary assistant and await his response.
Mr Kimble Sutherland (Oxford): Let me just say a couple of things in response to the member for Don Mills. First of all, he suggests that maybe all the tax should be taken off. The question I would come back to him with is: Does this mean the Progressive Conservative or the Mike Harris party's view on taxation on alcohol has changed, given that many of our taxes on alcohol were implemented by Progressive Conservative governments over the years, and therefore you-brew somehow shouldn't have any taxes at all?
The purpose of making the change was that there is recognition upon the government that sometimes in terms of new industries developing, which this one is, in terms of being a bit of a niche business development, sometimes it needs a little more time to establish and be a little stronger. So the government has acknowledged the concerns raised by the you-brew association.
I should say, though, from some of the information I have, that the figure Mr Johnson cited, about 30% failure, is not quite accurate. In fact, the failure rate is lower than that in you-brews.
I should tell him too that when you look at all small businesses in general and what their failure rate is in the first year, you-brews have not been much different than what goes on in other small businesses. So to say that all these you-brews have closed solely because of the tax implemented would not hold up, given the evidence of the failure of other types of small businesses in their first year.
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The First Deputy Chair: Are there any further questions or comments to Mr Sutherland's amendment?
Mr Chris Stockwell (Etobicoke West): Having listened carefully to what you said, why in fact is your government withdrawing that bill then?
Mr Sutherland: Obviously the member for Etobicoke West wasn't listening that closely as I explained. We're talking about a whole new industry, and obviously there are always challenges faced by new industries in their growth stages and initial stages. The Ministry of Finance has recognized the concern that has been expressed about this specific industry and has decided to reduce the amount of tax at this time to allow the industry to grow a little more and become a little more stable.
The First Deputy Chair: Any further questions or comments to this amendment?
Mr Stockwell: If I get up, you don't have to keep repeating that.
It appears to me you're sucking and blowing on this one, member for Oxford. Let's just recap your point of view. You're telling me this is a fledgling industry that needs help and doesn't need tax implications applied against it in its initial stages of operation. Then you say in the next breath the failure rate of this particular industry is not much different than any other industry that's in a fledgling stage.
The question becomes, if their failure rate is no different, why do you have to give them an incentive by withdrawing the tax that you thought was a good idea a year ago, when you told us a year ago it would only be a fair tax considering the free ride they're getting compared to the breweries?
Now, through you, Madam Chair, to the parliamentary assistant --
Mr Sean G. Conway (Renfrew North): "Madam Chair." You're politically correct.
Mr Stockwell: Yes. Madam Chair, through you, to the parliamentary assistant: It's one or the other. Either you're withdrawing this tax because it's onerous and too many businesses were going out of business or you don't need to withdraw the tax because the number of businesses that were going bankrupt was pretty much the same as any other fledgling industry. Tell us which it is. You can't have it both ways, and you've argued one side against the other. You've got to get your story straight here.
Mr Sutherland: First of all, let me say too that even with the tax as originally proposed, you-brews still had a significant price advantage over store-bought beer. The facts speak for themselves in terms of what their costs were.
What I was trying to say in terms of explaining the failure rates, talking about general failure rates of new small businesses, is that we're talking about an overall new industry, a new niche industry, and in terms of that there has been recognition on behalf of the government that it wants to provide some support for the industry and we're responding to the concerns they have raised.
I would hope the member for Etobicoke West would recognize that fact and show some appreciation for that, that we have listened to the concerns of the industry and have responded.
The First Deputy Chair: Any further questions, and maybe not the same question. Any further questions?
Mr Stockwell: Madam Chair, I don't ask you to grade the questions, I just ask that you chair the meeting, and the question still isn't answered, with all due respect, through you.
The question is, as I put to the parliamentary assistant, I'm not going to applaud you and the action you took in taxing the you-brew industry because you said you've learned and you listened to the industry after you implemented the tax.
Talk about a shortsighted, narrow-minded tax policy. You ruined businesses and potentially ruined people. We had the member for Wellington stand in his place and tell us about one couple who lost literally $100,000, who were in financial ruin, and you want me to congratulate you for figuring this out after the fact when you were warned very clearly before you implemented this tax measure that this was the wrong thing to do to this industry, you were going to ruin people and bankrupt them. Then you have the gall to stand in this House and say: "Why don't you congratulate us, because we're not quite as dumb as you thought we were. We learned our lesson a year later."
Now, Madam Speaker, I don't think that was a question. That was more of a comment, and maybe he can respond. But don't look for applause. Don't look for someone to pat you on the back because you bankrupt people in this province because of your shortsighted tax policy. Then you come back a year or so later and say: "Yes, we were wrong. We're not going to admit it. We're going to claim some marginal statistic or we're going to talk about some tax program in another province."
You're clearly wrong, coming back today and withdrawing this tax, because it was proven categorically that you were wrong by driving these people out of business. These people aren't looking to pat you on the back; they're looking for their significant investment that they made that you stole from them with a shortsighted, narrow-minded tax policy, the only interest in which was to grab as much money from the beleaguered taxpayer as you could grab. Come back a year later and look for applause? That's disgusting.
Mr Sutherland: If I could just respond, the member for Etobicoke West is trying to say that any bankruptcy that has occurred in this industry is a result of the tax increases that have been implemented. What I was trying to say earlier, and maybe I wasn't clear enough, is that you cannot establish for sure that the tax was the only reason these businesses have gone under. You cannot say that for sure because, as I said earlier about failure rates for small businesses in general, some of these may have gone under anyway.
In terms of new industries starting, sometimes the growth rate may be too quick, there may be too many, too much competition. All I was trying to point out was that for the member for Etobicoke West to say that the reason these businesses have gone under is solely because of this tax is just not the case, and he can't substantiate that.
However, I will admit that the industry has provided the Minister of Finance with some arguments that express concerns about the longer term; so what we've done is decide to not implement some of the future increases in taxes. There are still going to be some taxes in place, because this province has always had a policy, in terms of trying to promote responsible drinking, of having taxes on just about all forms of alcohol that are sold in the province.
Mr Dalton McGuinty (Ottawa South): I want to raise another issue. This has been labelled a sales tax. I would ask the parliamentary assistant to help me and the customers of you-brews understand why we are calling this a sales tax when, within any reasonable definition of the word, there is no sale taking place here.
A customer at you-brew premises first purchases the ingredients, and on those ingredients he or she pays a provincial sales tax. The customer also pays a tax, the GST, on the service component. The customer then mixes those ingredients together and at some point is asked to pay an additional tax. It's called a sales tax, but there is no additional sale taking place.
What I'm asking the parliamentary assistant is why he can call this a sales tax when there is no additional sale taking place.
Mr Sutherland: I didn't hear all the details of the member's comments, but I think what he was trying to ask is, why are we calling this a sale when no sale really takes place?
If you look at how a you-brew operates, in effect they are operating a brewery, except they are operating a brewery in a different system. Basically, they're allowing you or anyone who comes in as a customer to rent their brewery to carry out some of the brewing process. While you do some of the work, there's still a brewery process going on similar to any other type of brewery.
Mr McGuinty: With respect, the parliamentary assistant has not answered my question. The question, again, is, where is the sale that is taking place upon which this tax is based? When you buy the ingredients, you pay provincial sales tax. When you purchase the service, you pay goods and service tax. After you mix these goods together, at some later date you return and you are hit with another tax, but there is no additional sale taking place. So my question again is, why are you calling this a sales tax when there is no sale taking place?
Mr Sutherland: Again I would just say that there is rental of equipment going on here, and that is where the tax is being applied.
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Mrs Margaret Marland (Mississauga South): I would like to ask the parliamentary assistant whether his government looked at the impact of this new tax before they introduced it a year ago.
Mr Sutherland: I don't have that information before me, as to what information went into the decision to implement the initial amounts that were put forward on this tax, but as the Minister of Finance indicated when he made the decision to lower the tax on produce-your-own beer and wine, they had consulted with the industry, had been monitoring it, as had been asked for by the industry, and some impacts of that and future impacts of new increases were taken into account in the decision that was made.
Mrs Marland: You're saying some decisions were made on the impacts since the implementation of the tax. My question is whether there was some consideration made after the implementation. Obviously, with all the petitions and all the letters and all the telephone calls from these small business people around the province, you would have been forced to give some further consideration to this tax.
In my own riding, I had you-brew businesses open which have now had to close, so your lifebelt at this point, a year later, is too late for a lot of those businesses. If you look at the margin of profit they make, you would understand why any additional tax -- as has been said, they're already paying taxes -- was a penalty. It was punitive to small business and therefore it was punitive to the people who live in this province who chose that kind of brewing.
You said you've considered the impact and that's why you're making the revision now. I want to know so I can tell these people. Either you considered the impact before you implemented it in the first place or you didn't. The point is that if we are dealing with this matter now, it has to revert back to, what was your decision before it was implemented in the first place? You obviously now are saying, "We're going to amend it." How does this work? Does it mean that you only change something after the impact has been felt and after thousands of small businesses have been put out of business and you've got the phone calls and the letters and the petitions? Is that the only time you react? If you hadn't got the outcry from the public about yet another form of tax, would you have this amendment on the floor today? I need to know how you make those decisions.
Mr Sutherland: The member from Mississauga has been around this House long enough to know how a budget-making process occurs. She also knows full well that in terms of tax measures, the Minister of Finance cannot be releasing those measures ahead of time before a budget comes in, or else the member from Mississauga would probably be one of the first ones demanding the resignation of the Minister of Finance if that information did leak out.
And the member from Mississauga is getting into hyperbole again when she says thousands of businesses have gone under as a result of the tax being brought in. First of all, there aren't even 1,000 you-brews in the province to begin with. Second, as I mentioned earlier, the percentage of you-brews that have gone under is relative to the failure rate for any type of small business in the first year.
The member may be trying to say she doesn't know what the process is, but I think she's not being quite frank with everybody here, given the fact that the member has been in this House for quite a while and is very experienced with what a budget-making process is all about.
Mr David Johnson: This issue is being raised because it is an issue of concern. Within this bill there are two examples that are very worrisome for the members on this side of the House. One is the tax on the you-brews that was put in place, it appears, without proper analysis. The tax was put in place to generate a certain amount of revenue, $5 million in 1993 and $10 million on an annualized basis, I think was the assumption. But because so many businesses went bankrupt, of course the amount of revenue generated was a fraction of that.
It appears that the analysis was not in place and consequently the impact was greater than anticipated and it didn't work. Now you're recognizing it and you're responding, and we give you credit for responding. But the question is, in the first place --
Hon Bud Wildman (Minister of Environment and Energy and Minister Responsible for Native Affairs): Just vote for it then.
Mr David Johnson: Just vote for it? Well, that's fine. But what about, in the first place, the analysis that took place? There are other bills that are coming forward and we want to be assured that the analysis on a tax increase is done properly.
The second example I can give you in this bill is the tax on dirt and gravel and products that go into roadmaking and that sort of thing. In this bill, the provincial sales tax was applied to dirt, gravel etc. In the subsequent budget, in the 1994 budget, the tax has been eliminated on the delivery side. Apparently, here is a second case where a tax was implemented, yet the analysis was not done to recognize that the way the tax was implemented was not manageable. Apparently, what you found in terms of the delivery charges on dirt, for example, is that you simply could not administer or manage that. That's the second example where you've had to backtrack.
It raises the question about the thought and the analysis that go into these taxes in the first instance. That is a serious concern to us in the Progressive Conservative Party and I'm sure that's a serious concern to the people of the province. Why didn't further thought and further analysis go into this in the first place so you wouldn't be backtracking on both of those items here today in this bill?
Mr Sutherland: We could sit here all day and say: "Why wasn't it done this way? Why wasn't it done that way?" The third party has been constantly saying, "We want to lower taxes." We have an opportunity to do this here and all they want to do is talk about it. They don't want to get on with the actual lowering of the tax. I think it's time for them to stand up and put up, where they've been talking a great deal. Let's get on with doing the amendment.
The First Deputy Chair: Any further questions or comments?
Mr David Johnson: Yes.
Hon Mr Wildman: What is this, a filibuster?
Mr David Johnson: No, it's not a filibuster, but I do have to correct one statement that was made. We are not lowering a tax through this bill. The tax that was in place before this bill came along was zero. Let's get that straight. Now, instead of imposing a 26-cent-per-litre tax through this bill and its amendment, you are imposing a 13-cent-per-litre tax. Let's be correct about that. Your amendment is introducing a lesser tax than you would have introduced otherwise, but you are still implementing a tax through this bill. Let's be straight on that. Let's not say we're cutting taxes. We're going from zero cents a litre to 13 cents a litre through this bill and its amendment. I think you owe that to the people of Ontario.
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Mr Sutherland: If the member for Don Mills is implying that it's the new policy of the Mike Harris party that it no longer supports the concept of taxation on alcohol as a way of promoting responsible drinking, no taxation at all -- let's be clear; that's what the member for Don Mills has just implied by his comments, that there shouldn't be any tax whatsoever on this portion of alcohol -- if that's the new policy of the Mike Harris party, then clearly state that. Come out and let everyone know that's what the new policy is.
As I said earlier, I'm not as old as some members in this House, but I do recall that in budgets under the Tory government taxes on alcohol were put up, and the justification at the time was that this would help deter irresponsible drinking. If the Mike Harris party has changed its mind, he should just clearly state that.
Mr McGuinty: I want to take the opportunity to inquire of the parliamentary assistant what precisely the policy is which informs this particular provision in the Retail Sales Tax Act. If I am to make beer or wine at a you-brew, I'm now going to pay a new tax I didn't have to pay before. We're calling it a sales tax, even though no sale is taking place, because I'm paying PST on the products I buy and I'm paying GST already on the service component. So there's no sale taking place, but I'm going to be paying what the minister is calling a sales tax. If I make that in my neighbour's basement, that's not subject to any tax, and if I make it at home, it's not subject to any tax either.
What I want the parliamentary assistant to do for me is to distinguish between those three possible locations for making beer or wine and to tell me how he justifies taxing only the location where the people who are operating it happen to be doing so for the purpose of making money.
Mr Sutherland: Let me say again, this bill has nothing to do with taxing people who make beer and wine in their own homes. They will remain tax-free. I imagine some of the equipment they purchase to do that, though, is taxable and they do pay tax on some of that equipment, as well as some of the ingredients they pay for.
I assume if they're doing it in their neighbour's place that is quite all right, provided their neighbour isn't charging them. Someone can correct me if I'm wrong, but if the neighbour was charging them for that product they were making, I think that would go against the laws of the province of Ontario.
Mr McGuinty: I just want to pursue that a bit further. If I buy those ingredients at the you-brew and pay my provincial sales tax on them and I take them home and I mix them there, I'm not paying a tax after I've mixed them there. But if I mix them at the you-brew, I'm paying a tax on a sale that isn't taking place.
This sale really is, and I'm sure the parliamentary assistant is going to want to admit this, purely a fiction. There is no sale taking place here. I want the parliamentary assistant to distinguish for me. If I get those ingredients there and I bring them home and mix them or I keep them at the you-brew and mix them there, why is it that I'm paying a tax at one location and I'm not at the other, even though at either location there's no sale taking place? I've already paid my sales tax when I bought the ingredients.
Mr Sutherland: Let me say to the member that there have been and continue to be many examples where people pay provincial sales tax on a rental-type service.
Hon Mr Wildman: Renting a car.
Mr Sutherland: For example, renting a car, as my colleague the member for Algoma mentions. In this case, what you're doing is renting the facilities to mix the beer, the facilities provided by the you-brew. In terms of paying tax on the rent, for lack of a better term, you are really renting the equipment provided by the you-brew.
The First Deputy Chair: Any further questions or comments regarding Mr Sutherland's amendment? Seeing none, shall Mr Sutherland's amendment to section 5 of the bill carry? Carried.
Shall section 5, as amended, carry? Carried.
Are there any questions, comments or amendments for sections 6 through 27 of this bill? Are there any questions, comments or amendments to the remaining sections of this bill?
Mr David Johnson: I thought you were going to go through them clause by clause or section by section.
Hon Mr Wildman: That's what she just said.
Mr David Johnson: All right. Subsection 9(2): As I understand it, this is the section that deals with the soil, clay, sand and gravel.
The First Deputy Chair: Excuse me, Mr Johnson. I'd like to first deal with sections 6, 7 and 8, and then we'll get to section 9.
Shall sections 6, 7 and 8 of the bill carry? Carried.
Mr Johnson, a question or an amendment?
Mr David Johnson: A question. In terms of subsection 9(2), which I alluded to earlier, one year ago the government introduced the provincial sales tax on soil, sand, gravel and clay. That applied to not only the product itself but the delivery charge, everything associated with the product. Now, one year later, apparently this has been unmanageable, at least the aspect that deals with the delivery charges.
I wonder if the parliamentary assistant would tell us what happened over the last year such that the government reversed its field. We certainly agree with taking off the sales tax from the delivery charge, although you're not doing it in this bill. I guess the second point is that perhaps an amendment should be brought forward to do that in this particular bill right now. Were you going to do that or were you going to wait until some subsequent opportunity?
Mr Sutherland: To respond, first of all, to whether an amendment should be brought forward to this bill, if we go back and look in Bill 160, which we were debating yesterday, I believe it deals with the concern about the change that was announced in the 1994 budget regarding the delivery charges.
The member for Don Mills asks, what was the concern? I'll explain to him what the concern was. Those companies that, for example, did both sand and gravel -- in other words, they had their own gravel pits and had contracts with individual companies or municipalities -- because they own the sand and gravel and they were also delivering, they had to pay sales tax. But if someone else contracted simply to deliver the sand and gravel -- in other words, they didn't own any sand and gravel of their own but just had a straight delivery contract -- they didn't have to pay sales tax.
That was creating a great deal of concern and problems and inequities for those sand and gravel companies that have always delivered the sand and gravel as well. Those concerns had been raised to the Minister of Finance. They'd been raised to individual members. I had a few in my own riding who raised that concern with us. They felt the way it was brought in made it unfair and was hurting some of their longer-term employees who had been driving the trucks, delivering the sand and gravel for many years. They were losing out on a lot of contracts, particularly those who were servicing municipalities. That is why the Minister of Finance brought in that change.
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Mr David Johnson: I thank the parliamentary assistant for that explanation. I thought it was probably something to do with that.
My concern is with regard to where the amendment takes place. Bill 160, of course, is an omnibus bill with some 17 different acts, I think, and 18 sections. We don't know exactly what the fate of that bill is going to be. There are some very contentious aspects. This would be a great opportunity right here this afternoon to put in that amendment to take the tax off the delivery charges.
But getting back to your major point, it's good to see you responding to business, but don't you think you should have done that in the first instance? The situation you describe, it doesn't take a rocket scientist to see that that kind of situation could come up. That's fairly basic, and a little bit of analysis would have identified that problem in the first instance. It raises the concern on this side again that these taxes are thrown in without much thought and then it's simply up to the business community to identify the problems after the fact, after they've suffered through the tax, and then hope that the government responds.
Apparently, in this case, the government has responded, but it gets back to the same issue of the thoroughness of the analysis.
Hon Mr Wildman: We listen.
Mr David Johnson: You listen but you listen after the fact. Why don't you give some thought before the fact so that people aren't put to the hardship of a tax that doesn't make any sense and causes severe difficulties in their particular industry?
Mr Sutherland: Just to respond to the member for Don Mills, I think the complication came up in this specific area because, as a general rule, I believe, in terms of paying sales tax, other types of companies that may own product and actually deliver the goods have to pay sales tax. It's not something that just applies to sand and gravel. I don't know for sure, but I'm assuming that type of policy has been in place for many years about those who own the product, produce the product and also deliver it paying the sales tax.
The application was also made here that some of the ownership for that problem, I guess, would go back to whichever government may have implemented that policy in the first place, which very well may have been the Conservative government.
Mr Stockwell: I'd like the parliamentary assistant to review what he just said. I'm completely at a loss as to what that has to do with anything we've been talking about. Please restate what your argument was.
Mr Sutherland: What I was trying to say was that from my understanding of the situation, it had been common practice that on those types of companies, not only on sand and gravel but on other forms of companies that may own a product and then deliver or produce it, application of sales tax on the delivery may apply. In terms of developing this policy, the same policy in terms of application of sales tax on delivery was put forward, and that may be where some of the problem arose.
The member for Don Mills was trying to say the thorough analysis hadn't been done, saying that this general policy about where sales tax applies on delivery of goods owned by a company may go back to whoever implemented that policy in the first place, which very well may have been the Progressive Conservative government.
Hon Brian A. Charlton (Government House Leader): It's not the job of this committee to do your homework for you.
Mr Stockwell: I understand that. I think that's a very good point, I say to the House leader for the government. I don't think it's up to this committee to do your tax policy work for you either. Possibly, if you had investigated these programs before you implemented the tax, you wouldn't have the embarrassment of coming back to this Legislature with your tail between your legs and withdrawing taxes that clearly were not sensible in the first place.
I say the same to you, Mr House Leader. Before you come back to this committee and start caterwauling at us for not doing our homework, maybe you should do a little tax policy homework before you implement them and you wouldn't be embarrassed to come forward here and withdraw taxes that should never have been put in place in the first place.
I say to the parliamentary assistant, it would probably be better if somebody could give us an example of a situation that's applicable, as is the case with the sand and gravel situation. I'd be very curious to hear of a situation where if you own the product and deliver the product, you're not subject to the same tax as if you're just delivering the product. If you could give us an example of that, that would be very interesting, because I certainly can't think of one. If we introduced that particular policy, I'd be very interested in seeing where, because I can't think of an instance. I turn to the critic of our party and we can't come up with an instance where if you own the product and deliver it, you're not subject to the same tax as the person who simply just delivers the product.
Secondly, can you give us an example of the kind of onerous tax position this put those companies in that were just delivering these products? Did you drive any of them out of business with your shortsighted tax policy? Did you cost how many jobs in the industries out there because these companies were no longer competitive and subject to a tax implication that other companies weren't subject to?
Surely, your ministry must have done some examination of this, because it wouldn't be coming forward in the embarrassing situation of having to fix this tax mistake without obviously having some pressure brought to bear by companies that brought forward example after example where they didn't get contracts they would have got had they not had to subject those contracts to taxes that others didn't.
I think it'd be interesting because I think it's a good reason or a good example why tax policy is maybe the most important policy, because mistakes cost people jobs and businesses, and maybe you could give us not only an example of that but also an example where apparently you can own a product and deliver it and not be subject to the same tax as just someone who delivers the product.
The First Deputy Chair: Are there any further questions or comments to sections 9 through 27?
Shall sections 9 through 27 carry? Carried.
Shall the title of the bill carry? Carried.
Shall I report the bill, as amended, to the House? Agreed.
Hon Mr Charlton: I move that the committee rise and report.
The First Deputy Chair: Is it the pleasure of the House that the motion carry? Carried.
The Acting Speaker (Ms Margaret H. Harrington): The committee of the whole House begs to report one bill with a certain amendment and asks for leave to sit again. Shall the report be received and adopted? Agreed.
Hon Brian A. Charlton (Government House Leader): We're going to be doing a series of private bills, both on second and third reading, by consent.
CITY OF HAMILTON ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Abel, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr24, An Act respecting the City of Hamilton.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
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CANNETO SOCIETY INC. ACT, 1993
On motion by Mr Mammoliti, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr53, An Act to revive The Canneto Society Inc.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
TOWN OF NAPANEE ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Paul R. Johnson, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr70, An Act respecting the Town of Napanee.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
CITY OF KITCHENER ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Cooper, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr95, An Act respecting the City of Kitchener.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
HAMILTON AND REGION ARTS COUNCIL ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Abel, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr96, An Act to revive The Hamilton and Region Arts Council.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
CITY OF OTTAWA ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Grandmaître, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr98, An Act respecting the City of Ottawa.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
EDEN COMMUNITY HOUSE OF TORONTO ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Mammoliti, on behalf of Ms Akande, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr99, An Act to revive Eden Community House of Toronto.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
COUNTY OF ESSEX ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Hayes, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr103, An Act respecting the County of Essex.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
TOWNSHIP OF TAY ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Hayes, on behalf of Mr Waters, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr105, An Act respecting the Township of Tay.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
COUNTY OF VICTORIA ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Hodgson, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr106, An Act respecting the County of Victoria.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
COUNTY OF ESSEX LOCAL MUNICIPALITIES ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Hayes, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr108, An Act respecting the County of Essex and the Local Municipalities in it.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
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OAKTOWN PROPERTY MANAGEMENT LIMITED ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Mammoliti, on behalf of Ms Akande, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr111, An Act to revive Oaktown Property Management Limited.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
TOWN OF PICTON ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Paul R. Johnson, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr112, An Act respecting the Town of Picton.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
HAMILTON COMMUNITY FOUNDATION ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Abel, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr114, An Act respecting Hamilton Community Foundation.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
WORKERS' COMPENSATION AND OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH AND SAFETY AMENDMENT ACT, 1994 / LOI DE 1994 MODIFIANT LA LOI SUR LES ACCIDENTS DU TRAVAIL ET LA LOI SUR LA SANTÉ ET LA SÉCURITÉ AU TRAVAIL
Ms Murdock, on behalf of Mr Mackenzie, moved second reading of the following bill:
Bill 165, An Act to amend the Workers' Compensation Act and the Occupational Health and Safety Act / Projet de loi 165, Loi modifiant la Loi sur les accidents du travail et la Loi sur la santé et la sécurité au travail.
The Acting Speaker (Ms Margaret H. Harrington): Would you care to make some comments, Ms Murdock?
Ms Sharon Murdock (Sudbury): I'm very pleased on behalf of the government today to be discussing what I think is major reform to an act that all stakeholders who participate in the Workers' Compensation Board have been claiming for years is in sad need of repair. Both the employers and the workers who have to use the board are always bamboozled by the process they have to go through.
I think it was agreed in 1914 when the act --
Mr Chris Stockwell (Etobicoke West): On a point or order, Madam Speaker: I think we should have a quorum.
The Acting Speaker: Would the clerk please determine if a quorum is present.
Acting Clerk Assistant (Mr Todd Decker): A quorum is not present, Speaker.
The Acting Speaker ordered the bells rung.
Acting Clerk Assistant: A quorum is now present, Speaker.
The Acting Speaker: The honourable parliamentary assistant to the Minister of Labour may continue her remarks.
Ms Murdock: As I was saying, the Workers' Compensation Act -- by all the people who use it -- is in need of change, and we had started a while back, in fact over two years ago, to discuss with the stakeholders some of the changes that we thought and they thought might be required.
It ended up that after all of that the Premier put together the Premier's Labour-Management Advisory Committee where we had major leaders in the business community and major leaders in the labour community sit down and tackle some of the problems around the workers' compensation system as they saw it.
What resulted from that initially was quite favourable. It looked like we were going to get an agreement between the two parties, the two major stakeholders groups, but unfortunately it didn't work out that way. Nevertheless, we utilized much of the information from what I will call the PLMAC agreement, and they are seen in today's bill that we will be discussing both in second reading and later on in committee.
What I intend to do is to go through each of the amendments we've put forward in my 90 minutes that I'm allowed as first speaker for the government side. For those people who are interested, it may be very informative, and for those I'm sure it becomes quite complicated, and I'll try to keep it as simple as possible in laypeople's terms.
The first major change is found in section 1, which is that for the first time we will see in the Workers' Compensation Act a purpose clause. In that purpose clause and throughout all of the amendments and the intent of this legislation are three tenets that we intend to follow and we think the Workers' Compensation Act should be changing, that is, fair compensation, rehabilitation and return to work. If those three things are adhered to, we will end up, I think, with a system that works better for both the employers and the workers who are injured on the job.
The purposes have to be clearly stated and there has to be a balance between evaluating the consequences of the policies and programs that are initiated, so I will be cross-referencing in the legislation as well, but fair compensation to the worker who is injured and rehabilitation must be provided and also return to work. I can't stress the return to work enough.
There has been much conversation and I would say adversary concerns in terms of the financial responsibilities of the board. Some people have said that it should be addressed in this section, in the purpose clause of the act, and obviously we disagree with them or we would have included it. The reason is that this is the purpose of the act.
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In terms of financial accountability and responsibility, you will find them in the duties of the board of governors, for instance, and you will find them in other areas of the act, under another section, subsections 58(1) and (2). Then, again, there's also section 15. I will be speaking to those areas. But there is no question that there has to be accountability, so for those people whose main concern is the unfunded liability I would like to point out that it is going to be also of concern to us and will be addressed in the amendment.
I think that all people who have ever dealt with an injured worker, whether an employer, whether the Workers' Compensation Board, whether we as members in our own constituency offices, whenever we've dealt with an injured worker we all know rationally and cognitively that the most important thing is to get that worker back to work as fast as possible.
Speed is of the essence in all injury situations, it doesn't matter what they are. If you look at other systems in other jurisdictions such as New Zealand, they have recognized that if the worker is not back on the job within a year of the injury, then in all reality he or she will never get back to that particular kind of work.
If you can get your medical systems working with your rehabilitation systems to get the worker back on the job and the employers working towards that goal, and the doctors are working towards that goal and the board is working towards that goal, then we should have a far better system. Hopefully, this will be the beginning, with an eventual conclusion that workers will be fulfilled and feel that they are doing a job worthy of their skills.
The key here is the return to work. The question under section 51 of the act being amended is the ability of that worker to return to work.
Mr Stockwell: On a point of order, Madam Speaker: If we're going to sit late, I think we should have a quorum to hear these comments.
The Acting Speaker: Would the clerk please determine if a quorum is present.
Acting Clerk Assistant: A quorum is not present, Speaker.
The Acting Speaker ordered the bells rung.
Acting Clerk Assistant: A quorum is now present, Speaker.
The Acting Speaker: The member from Sudbury has the floor.
Ms Murdock: Section 8, which amends section 51 of the act, is the ability of the board, and the employer as well, to get medical information, with the consent of the worker, from the doctor. I would point out here that it is prognostic information. I know that there has been a lot of concern out there on the part of the employer in saying, "If the injured worker has to give permission, then nothing has changed," but that's not really true.
What happens is that now the employer can ask the doctor for the information that is relevant strictly for the return-to-work abilities. The doctor would only give any information that was relevant to the return to work or information that was relevant to changing the work site so that it will accommodate an injured worker to do a job with his injury or with a modification to his injury.
Section 51 of the act being amended will cover that. I don't think there's too much controversy on that, at least I would hope not.
On the next section, subsection 9(1), section 53 of the act is amended. I know people are going to get tired of hearing me say this, but it's really important that the key theme here is the rehab and the return to work and how employers and employees will have to work together for quick dispute resolution.
The board can review the work site and see whether or not the work site needs improvement to bring people back to work. The other thing is that the employers may not even recognize that they have a need for a vocational rehab situation within the workplace, and they can ask the board to come in and review the work site, see whether their services can be enhanced, improved or completely initiated.
I know there have been some conversations out there among the employer groups that they don't want the board having the right to go in and be able to do this, that it's an intrusion on their privacy. I think it's going to involve, on the part of all the players, a change in the thinking about whether or not it is a helping situation, to look at it in terms of a helpmate situation rather than intrusive.
There will be, under these amendments, penalty assessment for non-cooperativeness, and I do talk about it later. However, right now under the act, when a worker comes into any of our offices, I'm sure even the opposition members' constituency offices, and tells them, "My benefits have been cut off because they claim I'm being uncooperative," that already exists under this act on the workers' side -- has for years. What we're doing here is that there will be a provision within the legislation that will allow for an assessment to be made. The criteria have not been established yet. The amount of the assessment, how it will be assessed, when it would be assessed etc would all be determined by the board, again doing this through consultation with the stakeholders and only with the stakeholders. You can't do it without consultation, and you need that consultation between the employers, the workers, and see how you would assess in the end.
There's still a lot of work to do in that area, but it now allows that "uncooperative" -- I put the word in quotation marks, for the benefit of Hansard. It allows the employer's side to have some obligation to put return-to-work and rehabilitation services on the work site. I think that's key.
As we move through the act, we get into a section 54 amendment, section 10. There's only one amendment in this section, and yet we got it directly from the Premier's Labour-Management Advisory Committee agreement. The PLMAC, as I said, will "determine whether the employer has fulfilled the employer's obligations to the worker under this section." I think that's more in keeping with what the whole intent of the Workers' Compensation Act was all about in the first place. It was for the benefit of the worker. It was for the benefit of the employer. They pay 100%, there's no question, and that was the intent when it was put in place, but it was for the benefit of the worker for an injury received. This now puts some obligations on the employers to see to it that the employees can be beneficial to the workplace.
The next section is very important because it changes the present act from one in which there are a number of members of the board to a new kind of board which will be bipartite, so you will have two groups, labour and management, both equally represented on the board. But it will also now change the governance in terms of what we presently call the chair and vice-chair. The CEO will be the president and the board shall be governed by a board of directors. This is going to be new and it is going to be different. "The board shall be governed by a board of directors," and the president shall manage. It's very, very important that this distinction be made.
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The other thing it will result in, we are hoping, and we are looking at past experiences in order to determine this -- is it will be at arm's length from the administration of the board. The way we're hoping that's going to be done, and you will see, is that where the board is formed it will have its chair, and then they will, among themselves, hire a president, who will be the CEO of the operation. The administration will be done by the CEO, and the policies and directions will be set by the board of governors, so it will be separate and apart. In the past I think that has been a problem, not just while we've been in power but in previous governments, that it was very hazy in terms of who ran the place, between the chair and the vice-chair. I think this will make it much clearer.
The section where sections 58 and 59 of the act are going to changed is the one we've been hearing a lot about from the employers' side because they think it should be under the "purpose" clause. I disagree. We will end up discussing it, I'm sure, in committee, with my critics from the Liberals and the Conservatives.
Section 58 clearly states the financial responsibility of the board of directors, which must "act in a financially responsible and accountable manner in exercising its powers and performing its duties."
And subsection 58(2): "The members of the board of directors shall act in good faith with a view to the best interests of the board and shall exercise the care, diligence and skill of a reasonably prudent person."
The employers' side, management, has argued that that isn't strong enough and that we should be making it very clear that if there are programs that are going to be determined and that have a cost to them, which most programs do, the financial considerations should be paramount, and this language does not say that directly. And you're right, Mr Speaker, it doesn't, nor should any board be fettered to that degree, that it would make a consideration between recognition of a disease, for instance, and how much it costs. They will have to do that themselves and determine whether the cost is prohibitive. But in my view, for any injury on the job -- proven, of course -- there has to be a cost and it has to be paid.
But I would point out too that later on in that section, if you look over at section 15 of the bill, subsection 65(3.2) of the act: "The board shall evaluate the consequences of any proposed change in benefits, services, programs and policies to ensure that the purposes of this act are achieved."
You can't just look in isolation at individual sections. As any lawyer will tell you, you will be looking at all of those and how they play with one another. The people who are going to be appearing before the committee and speaking to this should be looking at section 58 and section 15 in conjunction with one another.
Those sections I'm skipping are mostly housekeeping amendments and I'm not speaking to all of them, where now that the president is a new person under the act it'll be changing that language. I'm speaking to the substantive changes in the amendments.
Section 14, which changes subsection 63(2) of the act, is again on medical information. Employers will have direct access regarding the employee's return-to-work abilities. I think it bears repeating that earlier access is absolutely integral to the entire operation. And then, of course, worker's consent.
Section 15 is simply the quorum provisions.
When you move into 16, this is transitional. This is an interesting section, because it's only in operation for one year after the date of proclamation. It's transitional, mainly because the board has never been truly bipartite before. It is now. It is going to require some period of change and flux during this transition period, and the new governance structure I think requires some kind of, not supervision, but a way of keeping track of the situation while this is happening.
There are precedents. The Power Corporation Act, as the Lieutenant Governor in Council decided, and the OTAB also use this. I would say the whole session and the new governance provisions are going to require some kind of transitory supervision, and that's what this section does.
As we move into subsection 65(2), it's interesting, because we've not had any memorandum of understanding since 1982. That means the Conservatives didn't have a memorandum of understanding with the board, the Liberals didn't have a memorandum of understanding with the board, and we've been unable to negotiate and have one signed as well. The Provincial Auditor recommended that it should be legislated, and so we're following the Provincial Auditor's recommendations here.
It addresses the concerns of the business community. It's very important to them to have the accountability issue looked at within the legislation, and that's what this does. Within six months after this section comes into force, there must be a memo of understanding with the board and the government of the day. It also must be reviewed once every five years and done, which is absolutely imperative because, as I said, it has not been done since 1982.
When we move on to section 72 of the act being amended, the board will be required to provide mediation services. This has not been legislated before. It's certainly been available, but not been used. Again this is going to be very important for speedy and early return of workers to the job.
In this section, the board will be required to provide the services. The government is telling the board that return to work is absolutely integral and that the board must provide the services to both parties in the dispute, not just one over the other. It is going to be available to the injured worker, the deceased worker's spouse or dependant, and the employers; it's going to be available to anyone who objects to a vocational rehabilitation decision made by either the voc rehab worker or through the claims adjudication side. It will allow that if you don't like what's happening -- employer, worker or otherwise -- you can object to the board. There will have to be mediation within 30 days. At any point within that 30 days or up until that 30 days, you can object to what's happening there. If you do that, the board must make a decision within another 30 days. But in any case, it can be done sooner. It means that if there's a voc rehab decision, a re-employment obligation or a decision of a mediation officer --
Mr Ron Eddy (Brant-Haldimand): On a point of order, Mr Speaker: I really think it's essential to keep a quorum in the House. We shouldn't have to have a call every few minutes for a quorum if there is not one.
The Deputy Speaker (Mr Gilles E. Morin): Would you please check if there is a quorum.
Acting Clerk Assistant: A quorum is not present, Speaker.
The Deputy Speaker ordered the bells rung.
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Acting Clerk Assistant: A quorum is now present, Speaker.
The Deputy Speaker: The member for Sudbury.
Ms Murdock: As I said at the beginning of my speech, the return to work is key, and this part of the amendments, in my view, is going to be absolutely essential in terms of expediting the voc rehab process.
Right now we have voluntary mediation. Many work sites are already using it, and quite successfully, I might add. In this instance, it is going to be required that the board provide those services. I know that I was asked about mandatory mediation and how that would work, but the reality is that it must be provided by the board.
It will cause both employers and employees to sit down and discuss what the work site is, how it might be better accommodated to suit the injury, and how the medical doctor could come in and explain to them how it might be accommodated. It will involve the board in terms of providing the services to assist the employer in doing that. In my view, I think not only will it result in better working relationships but it will also be a speedier process in getting the worker back on to the job and earning a living.
The next sections relate to crown liabilities and so on, which we will be changing.
The next part that I think is key and is of some concern to some of the employer groups is the section on how we are going to determine whether they are being cooperative in terms of setting up a rehab program or a return-to-work program. Those criteria have not been established yet. It will be done through consultation with all of the stakeholders. We'll consult and consult and consult as needed in order to set out something that's realistic.
Every work site is going to be different. The Incos of this world, which have been very, very good in their return-to-work programs and working with their unions in getting return-to-work programs in place, will not be like your smaller workplace with only 25 or 30 employees. Therefore, it's going to require a different kind and level of expertise. I don't think anyone would want to see the same criteria established for each and every single workplace in this province. It's going to have to be discussed to a great extent, and I think that's going to be important.
The part here that's in question by many is the experience rating program that exists now. There are some who think this section 103.1 eliminates it. I would say that, in my view, it doesn't lay out the criteria nor does it eliminate the experience rating, but it's adding to it. It's adding another dimension to the whole experience rating question.
In the existing experience rating -- I know it's difficult for people out there to know what that is -- employers pay a rate on every $100 of payroll on the basis of their accident history, and they're in different schedules as to how risky their business is, I guess. What's going to happen here is that experience rating that's determined on how much they pay now will be modified to include how you're going to establish those merit rating programs for getting people back to work sooner, for promoting vocational rehab programs and reducing injuries and accidents in the workplace.
In my view, workers' compensation and health and safety are tied together and should be tied together, because it has been shown that if your health and safety are improved, your accident levels go down.
In my riding, if you look at the mining industry, it's a perfect example, because they have worked very hard. There are still way too many injuries, still way too many deaths in the mining industry. Nevertheless, when you look back just not all that many years ago and see how significant their changes have been in terms of their health and safety practices, in terms of their joint health and safety committees and how they've worked very hard to make sure that they work well together, I think what this is going to do is more of the same: open up the minds of workers and employers to change and change their mindset.
I'm going to read subsection 103.1(2), because I think it's important:
"(2) In determining whether a refund is available or the amount of a surcharge under a program, the board shall consider,
"(a) the health and safety practices and other programs of an employer to reduce injuries and occupational diseases;
"(b) vocational rehabilitation practices and programs of the employer;
"(c) practices and programs of the employer to assist workers to return to work under section 54; or
"(d) such other matters as the board considers appropriate."
It is not exhaustive. I expect that during the committee process, and I no doubt will hear from the opposition critics on this, there should be other criteria included. That's what the committee process is all about, so I'm hoping to hear some very good suggestions from both my opposition critics and many of the presenters who come before the committee.
The next section is going to be section 147 of the act, as amended to include a $200-per-month additional payment to a worker who's receiving benefits if entitled under some of the other sections of the act. The people who are not going to be included are those who turned 65 on or before July 26, 1989. They're excluded from this provision, and that's the day of course Bill 162 came into being.
I think when the Premier's Labour-Management Advisory Committee met, in its report it was very clearly recognized that there was a need to redress the situation of the older unemployed injured worker. We see them every year here on June 1, which is the anniversary date of the Union of Injured Workers. Too frequently in the past -- I mean, there are changes -- they're still bemoaning the same things.
Many of them are older Association of Commercial and Technical Employees workers, who end up barely eking out an existence, and this $200 is going to change dramatically, I think, some of their lives. That $200 is applied to the pension portion of what they're receiving from the board, and they will not be affected by the next section, which is 33, where what is called the Friedland formula is being applied.
There are exemptions under that formula. It will not be full indexation except for those who are receiving the $200, those who are 100% disabled, those who are 100% receiving wage loss rewards. They will receive full indexation, and everyone else will be under an indexation formula that will be capped at 4%.
I think I've covered the major sections of the amendments. I'm looking forward to the debate, both in the House this evening and later on in committee. I'm hoping that everyone in the House will speak sagely to this and that we will move it quickly into committee so that we can get it through and start to meet with the stakeholders out there and have them make their presentations to us.
I want to thank all of the ministry staff who worked very hard on putting this together and have worked diligently, I think, for many of the committee meetings and many of the stakeholder meetings and the consultations that were done on this. I'm sure they will be taking diligent notes while they're listening to the member for Mississauga West and looking forward to being able to respond to any of the concerns that he might state in the House today.
I thank you, Mr Speaker. Let's get this into committee as soon as possible.
The Deputy Speaker: Questions or comments?
Mr Stockwell: It was an interesting speech and certainly informative.
Mr Steven W. Mahoney (Mississauga West): He didn't hear a word you said.
Ms Murdock: He didn't listen to a word, I know.
Mr Stockwell: Oh, sure I did. It was informative. It was riveting actually. That's the word I was looking for; it was riveting.
Mr Mahoney: Even they don't believe that.
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Mr Stockwell: What the member did not deal with, which I think most people would like to have dealt with and spoken about, is the unfunded liability. It was discussed briefly, I noticed, in the latter part of your speech, but we're talking about a huge sum of money that we owe that we just don't have. That unfunded liability is now costing taxpayers in the sense of the liability we have when folded into the Hydro debt and the provincial debt and the pension debt, unfunded pension moneys. For us to not deal with that with this piece of legislation -- maybe it's the most important part of this piece of legislation.
I will say that you did take one step with respect to de-indexing the payments, but when you de-index the payments, you simply fob that off for the $200-a-month process. So you didn't really save any money.
At the end of the day the best you can come up with is that by some miracle of miracles, they suggest, they've actually reduced the debt by $18 billion when they haven't done that at all. They've reduced nothing. The debt will only increase at less of a rate than they expected it to increase, but we're still saddled with a huge government debt in unfunded liabilities in pension and in workers' compensation, at Ontario Hydro, in the government.
You know, talk about it. The record of your government, the legacy that you will leave, is going to be debt. That is going to be your record.
Mr Kimble Sutherland (Oxford): I want to commend the member for Sudbury for giving us a very informative overview of what is contained in this bill. The member for Sudbury is very experienced with issues of workers' compensation, not only being the parliamentary assistant to the Minister of Labour since 1990 with responsibility for compensation issues, but I know in her life before here she worked as a constituency assistant and dealt quite a bit with workers' compensation issues. She's extremely knowledgeable.
I want to pick up on the comments from the member for Etobicoke West. The reason I want to pick up on that is that I want to ask a question to the member for Sudbury as to what she thinks the impact would have been on premiums for WCB if in 1980, when the unfunded liability was only $400 million, it had been managed effectively, rather than in 1985, at the end of the Tory time, when it was up to $6 billion, and then of course by 1990, by the time the Liberals were out of there, it was up over $10 billion. To the member for Sudbury, do you think WCB premiums would have been much lower if the previous government had found an effective way to manage the Workers' Compensation Board system?
We also heard, to the member for Sudbury, about our legacy. But then here we have a legacy of it being $400 million in 1980 and then in 1990 being over $10 billion. Who left the legacy, I guess is my question to the member for Sudbury, not only on that, but Ontario Hydro has a $35-billion debt. How did these unfunded liabilities and all these pension plans come about? Could it have been that previous governments maybe borrowed at low interest rates from those pension plans? Who knows?
Mr Eddy: I welcome the opportunity to comment and I thank the member for Sudbury for her comments. But I do think there were shortcomings, and certainly the deficit of the Workers' Compensation Board is the most important issue at hand. I'm so pleased that we took the opportunity in this party to go out and hear what people had to say in order to come up with some good, concrete suggestions of how the system, which is so important to the workers in this province and indeed the employers in this province -- to bring some good-sense solutions and recommendations.
I know we can all talk about who did what when in the past. That's not the important thing. The important thing is for any new government to look at what's wrong and start immediately to change what's wrong and to improve it. The Workers' Compensation Board system was probably one of the most important things in the entire province because it affects so many workers, workers who certainly need the income and need to have the benefits of the Workers' Compensation Board. That should have been a priority.
I have to say we should have heard more from the previous speaker about the deficit, because as we rush on to bankruptcy in the province daily, hourly, with the money that is spent, this is going to be one of the very serious casualties in the province. That's the way I feel, because when you're creating deficit and adding to the debt every minute -- what would happen to me personally if I did that is that I'd face bankruptcy. I feel so strongly about the debt.
Mrs Elizabeth Witmer (Waterloo North): I thank the member for her presentation. However, she probably understands that I would disagree with much of what she has said.
I am extremely concerned about Bill 165, because the government has failed to recognize the financial crisis that faces the WCB. We know the unfunded liability is at $11.5 billion. Unfortunately, the proposal before us today is going to increase that unfunded liability to $13 billion at least, and probably more, by the year 2014.
There was a plan of action put forward by the PLMAC business caucus to reduce and completely eliminate that unfunded liability by the year 2014. This is what other provinces in Canada are doing. They are taking action to eliminate or reduce the unfunded liability because they recognize, as we need to recognize, that if we continue to have unfunded liabilities of those massive proportions in our provinces, we could reach a point where the systems throughout Canada would be in bankruptcy. We seem to be the only province unwilling to acknowledge the fact that we could face bankruptcy. Of course, bankruptcy means only one thing: It means the benefits to injured workers will not be available.
So I ask this government, why did you ignore injured workers in this province and put your own interests first? Why did you ignore putting the WCB on a sound financial basis?
The Deputy Speaker: The member for Sudbury, you have two minutes to reply.
Ms Murdock: It's amazing that the Tories didn't ask themselves the very questions the member opposite asked when they went off the plan they had set up, to have no unfunded liability by the year 2014, and instead froze things in the early 1980s to allow an unfunded liability to move from $400 million up to $6 billion by the time the Liberals came into power, and then, from 1985 to 1990, to move into a $3-billion-deficit increase to the unfunded liability.
We sit here now, and if we had not done what we had done with our chair and vice-chair, it would have ended up that the growth would have been unbelievable. Yes, it is unfortunate that the unfunded liability has grown over the past three years, but it has not grown as quickly. And that is not good enough; it has to change.
What I am saying to you is that in the year 2014 -- the member for Waterloo North is absolutely right -- it is going to be around $13 billion, but the reality is that if we weren't doing what we are doing by saving the $18 billion on the Friedland formula, for instance, and other changes and the expedited rehab provisions, you know and I know what that unfunded liability would probably be. It would be massive. She's right: If something is not done soon, it would be massive.
But I will also point out that we are not going to make those changes on the backs of injured workers. It was the worker who got injured on the job, and the employer put the system in place to pay those workers for their injuries received. Why should it be only the injured workers, with no indexation at all -- which was the recommendation of the PLMAC -- be the ones to pay for the entire unfunded liability? They shouldn't. We're not doing it.
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Interjections.
The Deputy Speaker: I would remind all members that if you want to hold conversations among yourselves, you can do it outside the House.
Mr Mahoney: I wish I could say I was pleased to participate in this debate, but I really find that the government, with this particular --
Interjection.
Mr Mahoney: Oxford is going to start chirping already. I'm not even 30 seconds into the speech and you're sitting back there -- read your book and listen to this; you just might learn something.
The thing we have to recognize is that there's enough blame to go around all three parties in Ontario for the mess situated at the Workers' Compensation Board. You can spend the next hour and a half, if you want, throwing all your blame at the beginnings of the unfunded liability in 1980 or blaming Bill 162 of the Liberal government, and we can sit here and blame you for the exacerbation of the unfunded liability, but the reality is that we have to fix this thing and we've got to start with some commonsense solutions that will work.
Interjections.
Mr Mahoney: Hold on a minute. The PCs are the American Revolution. That's not common sense; that's the American Revolution. You want to see common sense? I've got some for you. It's in a report that was prepared by myself and my caucus as the result of an outreach tour we went on over three months.
Mr Stockwell: What's it called?
Mr Mahoney: It's called Back to the Future. Let me explain why we call it that. When I looked at the problems in the WCB, when we heard from people in eight different communities in the province, when I travelled to British Columbia, to Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta --
Ms Murdock: Who paid?
Mr Mahoney: My caucus paid. Who do you think should pay? Of course they did. I was doing my job, which you could have been doing, but what do you do? You announce a royal commission which is absolutely nothing more than rectal armour on behalf of this government, because you haven't got the guts to deal with the problems and fix them today. That's what it's about.
The Deputy Speaker: Order. Please be careful with your language.
Mr Eddy: I knew exactly what he meant.
Mr Mahoney: I'm sure you did.
All they have done is try to foist the problems off into the future, thinking a royal commission is going to solve their problems. But let me tell you why we called our report Back to the Future. It was because of a previous royal commission, a royal commission that began in 1910 and culminated in 1914 with some principles that established for the first time in this province a compensation system that made sense.
I happen to think that Justice Meredith, when he presented his recommendations to the government in 1914, made a lot of sense. Common sense was not invented by the Tories with their latest revolution document; it started a long time ago. I've always said I don't know why it's called it common sense, because it's not very common, particularly around this place.
What Justice Meredith said was that there should be a compensation system in this province that will be based on four principles.
No-fault: Let's stop worrying. I hear members in the Conservative Party talk all the time about how injured workers are causing these injuries themselves and just faking it. What Meredith said in 1914 is: "We're not going to worry about fault. If someone is injured, we want to get it fixed and we want to get that worker back to work." I agree with that principle. That probably makes more sense in 1994 than it did in 1914.
There should be statutory benefits. Bear in mind that there was a fundamental compromise on the part of the workers in this province in 1914: They gave up the right to sue. People forget that today. When you're 80 years away from the deal which was struck in 1914, some of the reasons for making that deal maybe get a little cloudy. Giving up the right to sue your employer for an injury that occurs on the work site is a pretty major concession that workers made in 1914.
Do we want to go back to that? That's the alternative, I say to the business community. Do they want to go back? No. Do they want to go back to a tort system? Do they want to have it such that a worker can get injured and turn around and sue the employer? Imagine the result of that today: lawsuits, legal bills, companies put out of business because of decisions awarding perhaps millions of dollars to the injured worker. Perhaps there would be injured workers who would get nothing. I'm sure there would. Some of the companies would win the lawsuits. You'd have injured workers, having spent money on lawyers, winding up with nothing, and in some instances you'd have companies bankrupted because of a lawsuit and a judicial system that perhaps made a decision that's hard for people to understand.
I don't believe for a minute that the employer community in this province wants to go back to a system that would allow injured workers to sue them for injuries that occur on the job site. It's not good business. So that was one of Justice Meredith's principles, that there should be statutory benefits that clearly say, "If you're injured, you will receive compensation."
And how should the money be funded? How should the awards be collected and made available to the injured workers? It should be through -- the third principle of Justice Meredith's report -- collective liability throughout all the businesses in the province. This is a major bone of contention in the labour movement, because not all the businesses in the province of Ontario do pay workers' compensation premiums. There are estimates that as many as 20,000 are out in the cold, shall we say. I think we have to recognize that.
I accept the fact -- I don't accept 20,000; I don't know what the number is. But I accept the fact that there are companies who are not only avoiding workers' compensation premiums but are in all likelihood, I say to the Minister of Finance, avoiding a lot of revenue-paying that he could use today, whether it's employer health tax or perhaps even income tax. We make a recommendation on how to get after those companies and on how to effectively increase the revenue base of the workers' compensation system without penalizing the existing businesses that are supporting it. We accept that particular fact, that there must be collective liability throughout the business community.
Finally, and this is probably the most important principle -- call it the four table legs, if you will: the no-fault, the statutory benefits, the collective liability, and then there must be and should be an independent administration. If there is one aspect of this bill we're debating today that flies in the face of Justice Meredith's recommendations for an independent administration, it is the aspect that will allow this government to actually interfere and intervene on WCB policy for the next year.
Their excuse is that we're going to have a new inexperienced board, so the government wants to run the Workers' Compensation Board. Let me tell you, that just scares the life out of the business community. I think they'd actually rather have the thing being run as it is -- well, maybe not. But the thought of this government going in and taking over the governance and the administration of the Workers' Compensation Board, even if it is for a limited period of time to allow for an adjustment, is very frightening to the business community. Justice Meredith said, "We need an independent administration."
By the way, let me just finish by telling you that the reason we called it Back to the Future is because we found that those four principles, those four legs of the table, were very important, and I agree with them.
The reality is that we have a system that should work for business to protect them from lawsuits, that should work for injured workers to protect them from losing their homes when they don't get their regular pay because there is some compensation coming forward, but it doesn't work for anybody. We spend an awful lot of time hearing and listening and debating the unfunded liability. There is a lot more at fault with the Workers' Compensation Board in Ontario than simply the fact that financially it is unsustainable because of the unfunded liability, let me tell you. There's a lot more involved.
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We went around to eight different communities. We heard from injured workers who came in. It was really quite interesting. At 8 o'clock in the morning -- you can picture this -- whether it was in Peterborough or Barrie or Ottawa or wherever we went, in Chatham, all over the province, the meetings would all start out the same. The injured workers would be on one side of the table, the suits, the business community, would be on the other side of the table, and I and whoever from my caucus was with me in that particular meeting would sort of be in the middle.
The tension at 8 or 8:30 in the morning was palpable. It was quite interesting. There was no trust. There was animosity, actually. There was a feeling on the part of the injured workers that the business community didn't give a damn about what it was they wanted to accomplish. There was a feeling on the part of the business community that the injured workers were just ripping off the system, that it's just fraught with fraud and abuse and that these people aren't really injured. It started out that way in every single case.
In every single case, by 11, 11:30, 12 noon that day the atmosphere changed. There was an understanding on the part of the injured worker that the employer has a responsibility to pay the premiums of the Workers' Compensation Board and that they also have a right to have some accountability within the system. At the same time, there was an understanding on the part of the management, the business community, that these injured workers were concerned about maintaining this fund for future injured workers, and all they really wanted to do, the men and women who came before us and told us the horror stories they've been going through, was truly to get back to work.
I heard that. I didn't hear it just once or twice. We heard it in every one of the hearings we conducted, and this government thinks it needs a royal commission to find that out?
We have experiences in this country. New Brunswick made major changes to its workers' compensation system and seems to have it under control. British Columbia did the same thing, put the unfunded liability on a firm footing so that it's heading towards full funding eventually, with a plan, with targets, with goals. They've put a good management team in in British Columbia. That's an NDP government. Why couldn't this Minister of Labour phone up Premier Harcourt in British Columbia and say: "Hey, Mike, what did you do out there? How'd you do it?" Why couldn't they use some of the ideas that have been incorporated into the administration of the workers' compensation system in British Columbia?
I can understand why this government wouldn't phone Ralph Klein, but in Alberta they made some dramatic changes. They actually took, inside of about 24 months under the leadership of Dr John Cowell -- and I want to spend some time on the fact that Alberta has a doctor as the president and CEO; that's a very significant move they made. Under his leadership, they took the unfunded liability from about $550 million, which is comparable on a per capita basis to our province's unfunded liability, down to around $230 million. They did that without decreasing benefits and with very, very modest increase in premium rates to the employers, something in the neighbourhood of 7%. They did it by restructuring how they do business. Why couldn't we look at the experience there?
Saskatchewan, the only province in the Dominion that actually has a surplus; Saskatchewan, another NDP government, the home of medicare, the home of Tommy Douglas. Why couldn't this government contact the Minister of Labour in the Saskatchewan government and say, "How did you do it?" No, they need a royal commission.
Ontario, I guess, is just so unique; we're so different; our workers get injured differently. I just don't understand, except -- I guess I do understand: It was seen politically. We can take all of these sensitive issues like benefits, expansion of coverage and whether or not we should cover stress and all of these things and we can roll them into a commission that won't report before we have to go to the polls next time, and therefore, whenever there's any criticism of our government on WCB, we can say: "Well, we did some things. We changed the board. We put some new people on the board. We changed the governance. We hired a president and CEO, and we've set up a royal commission that is going to deal with all of these other problems."
In the meantime, I say to the parliamentary assistant, the clock is ticking. You don't need two years of a royal commission to find out what the solutions are at the Workers' Compensation Board. They're very difficult solutions, I grant that. You will not find in one sentence or word in here a criticism of your government. That's not what this is about. I felt it would be very counterproductive. You know that I somewhat enjoy criticizing your government; I find it rather easy to do on a regular basis. But I thought it would be counterproductive to turn it into a partisan debate, because I fully accept, on behalf of my party, a certain amount of responsibility for the mess we're in. I think the Tories should do the same thing. But instead of being defensive as a government, when you have an opportunity to look at solutions to fix this thing, why would you defer it all to a royal commission?
You may not believe this. I saw the media accounts of the Premier's speech on the weekend. He really thinks he's going to get re-elected and drag all of you along with him, probably some of you kicking and screaming if that were to happen. But there is a chance that the NDP will not be re-elected. Do you think, maybe, just a chance? If that happens, you won't be around to implement anything. It would be my guess that's going to happen before the royal commission is anywhere near ready to file its report.
You've set up this royal commission, although I don't know who the members are yet -- I don't know if that's been announced; I haven't seen anything -- as nothing more than something to hide behind, and I will temper my language on that but I get so disappointed at a lost opportunity. Talk to the Union of Injured Workers and they'll tell you the problems at the Workers' Compensation Board. The best analogy I heard was in Thunder Bay, where we had people come before us from all different walks of life. One of the presenters was from a company that repairs bridges. He said, "When you're repairing a bridge, you don't start at the bottom" -- nice to see my House leader -- "you start at the top." Think about it. You start repairing from the top down to the bottom. If you start at the bottom, the whole thing will come caving in on you. That's what has to happen.
I will grant you that this seems to be somewhat of a feeble attempt, but at least an attempt, to start at the top by restructuring the board a little bit. But what did you do? You've simply formalized the existing bipartite arrangement of four members from labour and four members from management, the polarization that exists not only at the Workers' Compensation Board but at the Workplace Health and Safety Agency, which I want to talk about a little bit as well -- my good friends Mr Forder and Mr McMurdo -- as we get into the process.
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You formalize that and then to try to give some suggestion that perhaps you're going to make this non-partisan in some way, you've added a private citizen from labour and a private citizen from management. How does that do anything? What I see that doing is increasing the labour side of the board to five and the management side to five. It doesn't allow for any independent thinking. It does not support Justice Meredith's contention that it should be an independent administration. What does "independent" mean? Presumably, "independent" means that you're not taking your marching orders from a cabinet minister or a Premier or a government of the day; I don't care which government it is.
There were a number of things that I heard in the outreach tour that were fundamental, that we heard time and time again. Number one, you've got to depoliticize workers' compensation. Where does the politics come in? Just work with me on this. Where does it come in?
The chair heretofore is appointed by order in council, usually a friend of the Premier. The qualifications of the immediate outgoing chair, Odoardo Di Santo, were quite clear. He was a member of the NDP caucus for 10 years. I think that should allow you to run the eighth-largest insurance company in North America. Makes good sense to me.
There is no one in this place -- not the minister, not the Minister of Finance, not the Premier, certainly not I -- who is qualified to run the Workers' Compensation Board. I can tell you that if the opportunity comes under a Liberal administration, the person who will be the president and the CEO of the Workers' Compensation Board will be someone with the qualifications to do the job, someone with the training, someone with the educational background, someone who understands insurance. That person will be hired by the board and not, I suggest, by the Premier.
One of the aspects of the model of governance that I recommend in Back to the Future is that there are more than two stakeholders in workers' compensation. This is all about power. That's the real sad part of this.
The labour movement wants to have more and more power and influence and say, and they have an absolute major stake in the running of the Workers' Compensation Board. Absolutely significant input must come from organized labour.
Management, of course, would say, "If you're going to let organized labour have a say, we want to have a say," because they clearly would be on two different agendas and they'd want to make sure their interests were protected.
So you've got to have those two, but who else is there? Let me tell you, just to share with you an idea. I've recommended a board where instead of it being a bipartite, top-down type of approach, it be a non-partisan, balanced approach.
Who can help us solve the problems at the Workers' Compensation Board? I think the medical community has a huge stake. While I've recommended a board that consists of 12 groups or individuals to sit on the board, I think it could be a little bit larger. It could be 15. I wouldn't want it to be much larger than that. But it's got to represent the various interest groups.
Some people would say that the medical profession are purely and simply service providers to Workers' Compensation. I grant you that they are service providers; they make their income. But just think about it. The board would generate millions and millions of dollars in revenue to medical practitioners, to chiropractors, to physiotherapists, to psychologists, to any number of areas where millions of dollars are paid out to them. Does that make them strictly a service provider or do they have some interest in making sure the board is sustainable as a huge source of revenue for them and their colleagues and their kids in the future? Do they have an interest? I think they do.
Probably the number one thing that will help put the board on the right track will be a clear emphasis on early return to work. How do you get early return to work? The first thing you've got to do is have early identification. That's one of the key problems with this.
Even doctors came before us all around the province and said they readily admit there are too few doctors who are trained in occupational health and safety. They perhaps don't understand the nature of the workplace where the injury occurred. They don't understand the possibilities for modified work, because they don't even know where the workplace is. They've never been at it.
In many cases, doctors actually look at an injured worker's file and never actually look at the injured worker. How in the world can you make a qualified decision on something as complex as a physical injury to a human being by looking at a file? I just find that incredible. But that's what happens, and they admit it.
We have suggested that we negotiate with the OMA the creation of a specialty in medicine where doctors who currently practise could be updated with training. Doctors who are currently in med school could specialize in certain areas. They could work for insurance companies. They could work for compensation systems around the country. They could work for sports teams and organizations. They could have private clinics. They could work in schools. They could work in many, many areas as a specialty. There's a little bit of that, it's hit and miss, but it's not coordinated properly the way it should be by the government and the OMA in identifying specifically what kind of accreditation we want.
Those are the doctors who should be seeing the patients who get injured, the workers who get injured. You would say: "Why? What's wrong with a family doctor?" My family doctor, I think he and I were probably about seven or eight years old together. If I go to see him, I say: "Tom, I've got a problem. I hurt my back at work." What's he going to say? He's going to say: "Come on, you're dogging it. There's nothing wrong with you. Get back to work"? He's not going to say that. He's my family doctor.
Hon Bud Wildman (Minister of Environment and Energy and Minister Responsible for Native Affairs): If he knows you, he would.
Mr Mahoney: He does know me quite well. He's my family doctor. He's going to simply fill out the form and submit it for compensation. We should not put our family doctors in the position where they have to question their patients in that way. You develop relationships with your family doctor. I think there should be an independent medical assessment that's the first thing that happens when an injury occurs. What do we do now? They go to the family doctor, then the whole thing goes to an adjudicator.
Let me just take a minute to tell you what I found out in our outreach program about the problems with adjudication. In the province of Ontario, the most inexperienced person in the entire worker compensation system makes the most important decision. That's the first decision. That's the decision that says yes or no.
If the answer is no, it leads to a maze of the most complex, unbelievably complicated system of appeals within the Workers' Compensation Board, calling in your MPP, calling a lawyer or some other advocate, going through the system, because this adjudicator, who had three weeks' training in the province of Ontario on how to adjudicate claims, has said no. It's not based on sound medical information other than what they received from the family doctor. I'm not saying it wouldn't be sound, but you can't just rely on that.
The key to fixing workers' compensation is to have fewer claims. You can talk about unfunded liabilities and service delivery problems and everything else, but you've got to reduce the number of claimants in the system.
One of the criticisms in Alberta is that they did that by simply making it tougher for an injured worker to file a claim. I don't agree with that, but what we should do is set up a system that makes it easier for injured workers to get in and out of the system and back to work, fixed, being productive, which is what they want, in my view.
There are exceptions. There is fraud. There are fraudulent claims that are being filed. There's fraud in companies. There's corporate fraud. There's medical fraud. There are lawyers and advocates going in perhaps in a fraudulent or an inappropriate way. I think it's all through the system. Whether you believe Diane Francis's quote of $500 million or Brian King's estimate of $150 million, the reality is, there is fraud. Let's sort of accept that and put it over here, because I think there's a way to fix that.
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That isn't going to solve it. You could take all of that, and if you got every dollar -- let's assume Diane Francis is right and there's $500 million in fraud. If indeed that's correct, what does that do to the unfunded liability? It knocks it down from $11.5 billion to $11 billion. Big deal. It frankly isn't going to resolve the problems.
That's not to say it's not important. It is. It's important because we need to change the whole culture at the workers' compensation system to make it work better for injured workers, to make it more responsive to the employers who pay for it. But we tend to get hung up on the issues that I guess make the headlines.
I think we have to put in place an aggressive internal and external audit system that reports directly in to the board that will go after the fraud and the abuse in the system and try to clean it up. But having said that, it isn't going to solve the problems at the Workers' Compensation Board.
What we have to do, in my view -- and this bill does none of this -- is find a way to reduce the number of claims, the number of claimants, to take the ones who do file claims and to get them fixed up and off the system as quickly as possible.
The other members that I've recommended serve on the board include the Association of Municipalities of Ontario. Someone might ask, "Why? They're self-insured in this system," and that's true. I spent almost 10 years on a municipal council, and I believe we as a province and the WCB as a government agency could learn a lot from the municipal experience. Some of the best return-to-work programs that I've seen came out of the city of Ottawa, the city of Winnipeg, the city of Vancouver, where they understood.
Maybe it's because they've got the time and, unlike the private sector, they're not driven by the requirement, quite under such stress -- which is another interesting word in workers' compensation; I'll come to that later -- they're not driven by the same kind of stress that the private sector is, so they've got the time.
Rather than criticize them for that, why don't we take advantage of the experience and the knowledge the municipalities have: excellent relationships between their unions and the senior management in Ottawa, in Mississauga, in Winnipeg. Excellent relationships, and that's very much a big part of what this is about.
I think we should not be so proud, stubborn and pig-headed that we know best, we're the senior level of government, we'll decide and we'll just hand it all down and tell the municipalities how to do things. Why not recognize that the municipal sector is doing a terrific job in the area of return-to-work and in solving its own compensation problems and ask it to help us fix this? I've recommended they have a seat on the board.
I think the provincial government has to be represented, not in the sense of a $400-a-day perk or patronage appointment given by the Premier or the Minister of Labour, but rather by a citizen who has some qualifications in the area of compensation, in the area perhaps of trying to understand this particular system or other systems. I would give the provincial government one -- only one -- seat at the table in a readjusted board.
The Union of Injured Workers of Ontario: We heard all over the province injured workers come to us and say: "Why won't you people listen to us? Every once in a while, you do a little dog-and-pony show" -- like they were accusing us of doing with our outreach program -- "but you don't really listen to us. This government doesn't listen to us. You guys didn't listen, and neither did the Tories when they were in office. Why not?"
It's an interesting phenomenon, actually, why not, when you think about it. With some of these injured workers, it becomes their life. It becomes their full-time job, other than taking public speaking courses. Many of them become quite articulate. But the fact is, they become consumed with the problems at the Workers' Compensation Board. It eats them up psychologically, not just physically. Why shouldn't we go to them and say: "What are some of the problems with injured workers and the service delivery system that's not working?"
I've suggested that a representative of the Union of Injured Workers be formally appointed to the board. I know we have a member on the board now who was an injured worker, but he's not there representing that particular group. I think there needs to be formal recognition of the Union of Injured Workers. Stop the confrontation, stop the fighting and the arguing over workers' compensation, and get them on to the board to sit down with the rest of the stakeholders involved in this system and find solutions.
I've recommended, with some criticism, that the Council of Ontario Construction Associations sit there. And someone said, "You should have the manufacturers on," and I've said, "Okay, I'm prepared to look at that." They obviously have a major interest, the Canadian Manufacturers' Association.
As I said, the report we put out is not cast in stone. We put it out to try to stimulate debate, something an opposition party generally doesn't do, I might add. Generally, in opposition it's your job simply to criticize the government. We went a lot further. We put out what amounts to a four-point plan and consists of 36 recommendations trying to deal specifically with the areas we thought need to be addressed.
We've been criticized, we've received some credit from various groups, but the point is that we've put it out for discussion and we're asking for feedback. We want to be able to say to the business community and to organized labour and to the unorganized worker who relies on workers' compensation from time to time, "Here's what we have found out, and here's what we will do if and when we are the next government in this place."
We don't need a royal commission that I submit will probably cost $3 million, take two years to report, and I will be very surprised if it doesn't simply come to the same conclusions that I and thousands of other people have come to who are involved in workers' compensation.
But I'd put COCA on the board. I took a little bit of heat. One of the reasons I did that is because the Ontario Building and Construction Trades Council is represented on the board and many of the claims that come in to the WCB come from the construction industry. They're a unique industry. They need the opportunity to have input, and I think they have a lot of really good ideas.
As I said before, I'd be prepared to expand the size of the board a little, by two or three members, to include the CMA and perhaps one or two others, but not to make it unruly, and to bring a balance to the table at the WCB.
Originally, I'd recommended that the Ontario chartered accountants association be asked to serve on the board, but I've since been convinced that they would be better off in an advisory capacity, advising the board rather than an actual voting member of the board, and I agree with that change. I would recommend that we insert a small business representative in the place of that particular organization.
I've also recommended that the occupational health and safety specialists be represented, someone who understands, on a day-to-day basis, the problems involved in health and safety issues on the board.
I do not agree with the Premier's Labour-Management Advisory Committee that there should be a representative on the board from WCAT, the appeals tribunal where people can appeal the decisions. I'll deal a little further with the appeal process a bit later on.
Mrs Yvonne O'Neill (Ottawa-Rideau): On a point of order, Mr Speaker: The member for Mississauga West is making a very important speech on a very important subject. It's unfortunate the Minister of Labour is not here, and it's most unfortunate that I don't think a quorum is present.
The Deputy Speaker: Would you please check if there is a quorum.
Senior Clerk Assistant and Clerk of Journals (Mr Alex McFedries): A quorum is not present, Speaker.
The Deputy Speaker ordered the bells rung.
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Senior Clerk Assistant and Clerk of Journals: A quorum is now present, Speaker.
The Deputy Speaker: The member for Mississauga West.
Mr Mahoney: I mentioned earlier that the government, with Bill 165, is looking at direct government interference. It provides an opportunity for direct government control over WCB policy for one year. We think this could be catastrophic. We don't know if this government has a year left in its mandate. We know technically they do, but the Premier may decide that he wants to go to the polls -- we hope -- a little earlier than that. There are indications that could happen. But if it doesn't happen, it really means this government and this Labour minister will have an opportunity to direct policy for the next year at the Workers' Compensation Board. We've seen the results of some of that already.
I heard the parliamentary assistant talk about the Friedland formula. Let me just take a minute, Mr Speaker. I'm sure you understand it, but the folks at home may not. This is simply a formula to de-index the pensions granted to injured workers. It's a fairly complex formula where instead of getting 100% of CPI, they get 75%, and there's a cap and other things that are involved. But the reality is that it generates revenue by reducing costs, about $3 billion to $3.5 billion in savings by reducing the amount of indexation that an injured worker will receive.
So what did the government do? First of all, the management caucus of the Premier's Labour-Management Advisory Committee recommended that the Friedland formula on de-indexation of the pensions be adopted by the board. The Premier announced they were going to agree to that. He said: "No problem, we're going to do that. We're going to adopt the Friedland formula." Now, just put that on the shelf for a minute.
There's another issue out there, and it has to do with workers injured prior to 1990 and the fact that they are being undercompensated for the injuries they received. You know what? I agree with that. I think there's some justice in recognizing that those workers were indeed undercompensated. So the Premier, by granting a $200-a-month supplement to what amounts to about 40,000 to 45,000 injured workers, spent the money on the Friedland formula. That isn't what the management caucus of the PLMAC wanted the Friedland formula adopted for. They wanted it adopted so they could take $3.5 billion and pay down the unfunded liability; or fund it up, depending on how you want to look at it.
So here's the government saying: "Boy, that's a good idea. Thank you, to the management caucus of the PLMAC, for finding out where we can get another $3.5 billion. Thank you very much. We just spent it." They didn't reduce the unfunded liability at all. That's part of the problem. That is this government driving the policies at the Workers' Compensation Board. If they were financially responsible, they would have said: "We're going to take that $3.5 billion out of the Friedland formula and de-indexing of the pensions and we're going to pay down the unfunded liability. And we're now going to adopt the principle of topping up the workers who were injured previous to 1990 with $200 a month, but we have to find the money from within the structure, within the system."
The board showed a deficit last year of -- I don't know, what was it? -- $86 million in its operations. They're running a deficit. This government continues to run deficits with no concern. Deficits are overdrafts. It means you don't have the money. Where are you going to get the money?
Hon Mr Wildman: With no concern?
Mr Mahoney: If you had concern, you'd think you'd do something about it, I say to the Minister of Energy. If you had concern, you'd think you would not adopt a stated policy of five years of deficit financing, increasing the debt in this province from $39 billion when they took office to -- what? -- $90 billion, $95 billion -- I've heard $102 billion -- by the time you're relieved of the command. Maybe you do care. Maybe you just don't understand how to do it. I don't know. I suspect it's just, "Damn the torpedoes. Full steam ahead without a rudder and somehow a miracle will come along and get us out of this mess."
That's what's happened at the Workers' Compensation Board. Somebody showed you how to find the money to help pay down the unfunded liability. So what did you do? You spent it on something else. There's a difference here between justice and fairness and the ability to pay. I would suggest you say to the 40,000 or 45,000 injured workers who are looking for that $200-a-month supplement: "We agree with the principle. We're going to try to reorganize things to find you the money."
Look what they did in Alberta: 130 heads went rolling in Alberta when Dr Cowell took over, most of them middle management. It was not a nice time, not a nice time at all, but they had to make the changes to find the money to pay for the system. If you were in the private sector, you would have to do that too. But no, you can just ignore it: "We found $3.5 billion. Now we're going to find a way to spend it."
That's what bothers me, that this government has the ability under Bill 165 to control the political agenda, the economic agenda, everything, to control everything about the Workers' Compensation Board. Does that live up to those principles I spoke of earlier, outlined in 1914 by Justice Meredith, of an independent administration, when the government can simply make the decision?
Our model would see a board, and I mentioned to you the composition of the board, from various sectors in society, all of which have a stake in the Workers' Compensation Board. They would not earn the $200 to $400 per diems that have been traditional. I don't lay that at the feet of this government. Every government in history has done that: Appoint your friends to the WCB and they make $200, $300, $400 a day.
Under the model I've recommended in Back to the Future, you'd get a buck a year to serve on the WCB. A buck a year. Your expenses would be covered, obviously, because we'd want representation from the north and the east and the southwest and from the Metro area. There would be travel costs, meeting costs. All of that would be covered. But I maintain and I'm absolutely convinced from my past experience that you would get a lineup of people who were willing to volunteer to fix this system if they thought the mandate was in place with a government that had the courage to do it.
You see them every day. They come and talk to me and I'm sure to my colleague in the Conservative government every day, people who work full-time. They may be employed by General Motors or they may be employed by Ford or they may be employed through the federation of independent business or they may be employed by a labour union within the province. You see them every day. That's where they get their paycheques, but they work full-time on nothing else but workers' compensation reform. I think you'd get these people, who would be delighted to come forward and help figure out the solution to the mess at Workers' Compensation.
What you would do by doing that is to depoliticize it. You would no longer be saying, "Put my friend, Premier, on this board," or this commission. That's what happens in the municipal world. You don't get paid per diems when you serve on committees to advise the local government. Why do people do it? They volunteer their time. Why do they do it? In that particular community all across the province, indeed all across the country, they don't even get expenses. I'm not suggesting we go that far, but we should eliminate the per diem, eliminate it as a patronage appointment, and make sure we get the best-quality volunteers we can to fix this problem.
I go a little bit further and recommend that the chair would be elected from among the members of that board: not appointed by the Premier but elected. Obviously, that chair would have to have the ability either to take a secondment or to take some time off from their job to be able to assume the position, because the full-time position of chair of the WCB would indeed go with a salary.
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But here you've got a board that's been put in place. Yes, you would have to make government decisions on the actual individuals, but the associations I mentioned in the board structure, the OMA, the chiropractors, the Union of Injured Workers, the OFL, all of the individuals would be nominated by these groups, and the OFL might submit five nominations for two positions on the board. It would be up to the government to select the best-qualified person from among the names that were submitted. But you would clearly take the politics out of it, because you're not appointing them to some huge plum position where they're going to make $400 a day to serve on the board. So there is a way to change the structure.
This is a major difference to this bill: Then the chairman and the board under our model in Back to the Future would seek out qualified applicants to become the president and CEO. This does not replace the chairman, the chairperson. Under our model there would be a separate president and CEO who would be a qualified individual, perhaps from the insurance industry, perhaps from the actuarial industry. I don't know; I wouldn't predetermine that; I'd put out the types of qualifications that we're looking for.
Interestingly enough, I told you that Alberta hired a medical doctor, a medical doctor who I spent a couple of hours with in his office in Edmonton, who seemed to have a very good business sense and commonsense approach to what needed to be fixed. But Dr Cowell recognized that the medical community has a key role to play in fixing the problems at the board. He had an asset. Because he is a doctor, he was sort of allowed into that fraternity. Perhaps that wouldn't happen if it was strictly an insurance executive or a chartered accountant or someone like that. I don't know. Interesting.
He found that in changing the culture and meeting with the medical association in Alberta, the AMA, he could get them to buy into being more responsible, along with the worker, along with the employer, along with the workers' compensation system, in effecting an early return to work. The doctor has a lot to say about that and can help us solve this problem.
Instead of beating each other up all the time, why don't we try to find the people who can actually help us solve the problem? The president and the CEO would be hired by the chairman and the board of directors, not appointed by the government. It would not be an Ontario Insurance commission. It would be a job where you would hopefully have wide competition.
I've recommended that we have a separate investment portfolio, a separate audit portfolio, and I talked earlier about the group that would go after the fraud, both internally and externally within the various areas, to try to resolve that. The president and CEO would then set up a structure consisting of four basic vice-presidents. We've got totally away from the vice-chairs of labour and management, totally away from the polarization.
I differ rather dramatically from the position the Conservatives have taken on this, which is to shut the door, turn out the lights and walk away, privatize the whole thing. I found, in going out on this outreach tour, that that would indeed be a disaster, to privatize this. What it should do is it should be run like it was a private corporation, with the culture of a private corporation, understanding that you can't continue to mount debt, that you have no business building a new building in downtown Toronto or anywhere when you've got 25% and 30% vacancy rates and doing it without going to the ultimate board of directors, which in this province is the cabinet. If a private company ever did that, the president, CEO, the chairman and the board of directors would be fired. They'd be booted out with that kind of irresponsible action.
Mr Ted Arnott (Wellington): How do you enforce marketplace discipline without competition?
Mr Mahoney: That's a good question. What you do is, you get everybody to accept the fact that this is fundamentally a good system, based on the 1914 report of the royal commission and that we've got to make it work. I ask the Conservatives to tell us please, if you close the door, if you privatize the WCB -- it sounds wonderful. Ross Perot. Remember him? Ross Perot used to say, "If you want to know why the car won't run, you've got to open up the hood and look at the engine." Everybody would say: "You know, he's right. That makes a lot of sense." I tell the Progressive Conservatives: Open up the hood and you're going to find an engine that's so broken that you wouldn't have the first clue how to fix it.
The fact is that what you will do by privatizing, where does the $11.5-billion unfunded liability go?
Mr Mike Cooper (Kitchener-Wilmot): We keep it.
Mr Mahoney: That's exactly right. That's exactly right, to the member for Kitchener-Wilmot. "We keep it," and "we," folks, is the taxpayer.
We have a responsibility to fix the workers' compensation system, no question, but we also have, I submit, a broader responsibility, to be responsible to the taxpayer. I've never been able to get an answer to that. I guess you could chop it all up and phone all the businesses and say: "Guess what? Come on in, we've got an envelope for you. We've got your share of the debt and the unfunded liability because we're closing this down and we're going to turn it over to Zurich" or "We're going to turn it over to Dominion."
I even had the idea of partial privatization when I went out on this outreach tour. I said, why not allow the Zurichs and the Dominions and all of these companies to compete with the WCB? What you would wind up with is that no private insurer would touch this without reducing benefits to probably the 75% level. I think the Tories would like that. I think that's a position the Conservative Party would support.
Yet I heard people in management, in the business community, tell me everywhere I went, "We don't want someone who works for us who is legitimately injured to suffer." I even heard CEOs tell me, to the parliamentary assistant, that they top up the benefits of their injured workers to 100%. I thought, "Why would you do that?
Mr Sutherland: Voluntarily, right?
Mr Mahoney: Yes, voluntarily top it up to 100%.
Mr Sutherland: Not negotiated through a collective agreement?
Mr Mahoney: No collective agreement negotiation: a voluntary top-up to 100%. I heard it from a number of them.
The same groups, by the way, would also say, "You've got to reduce benefits." I'd say: "I'm confused here. You say you want to reduce benefits, but you top up your injured workers to 100%. Why is that?" "Well, because our injured workers are important to us. We want to get them fixed and get them back to work." It doesn't equate.
There are two reasons for reducing benefits: (1) is to attack the unfunded the liability, (2) is to take away the disincentive to return to work. In Back to the Future we address both of those, and I want to spend a little bit of time on those, if I might.
Before I do, though, let me just finish on this idea of privatization. If you did partial privatization and allowed for competition with the WCB, you'd have a WCB sitting there with a massive debt, unable to move or make decisions because of the burden of carrying the debt and the unfunded liability. You would have private sector insurers who would be offering specials to the business community, saying: "Not only will we provide your auto insurance, which the board can't do, and your liability insurance, which the board can't do; we'll even put you together with some investment people to deal with the RRSPs, which the board can't do, and on top of that we'll provide you compensation coverage, and we can do it perhaps cheaper." The facts are that the studies out of western Canada show they wouldn't provide it cheaper, but you could see that happening.
Then what would happen is that the only people who would go to the Workers' Compensation Board would be the bad players, the bad actors, the people who have terrible accident records. Therefore, you would drive their claim costs through the roof. Where they are already going through the roof, you'd drive them up even higher, and you would make it totally impossible for the board to function.
So if you do want to privatize, doing it on a competitive basis with the WCB is absolute and utter nonsense. The only way you could do it would be to close it down completely and start it up in the private sector. And what would happen then with the unfunded liability? Some say $11.5 billion; others say the real unfunded liability and debt is more like $30 billion. But wherever it is, what would happen to that debt? We can't get an answer to that.
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We think that if you indeed go Back to the Future, as I have suggested, and look at the Meredith principles, you will find a fundamentally good system. What's happened is that too many hands have got into the pie: too many cooks in the kitchen. We've destroyed a fundamentally good, productive system. So let's fix it. Let's fix it. That's exactly what we're recommending and exactly, in my view, what this particular bill doesn't do.
If the parliamentary assistant, speaking on behalf of the minister, would at least admit that Bill 165 is temporary, that it's a bit of a stopgap, that it's a bit of putty in the cracks, I might accept some of it.
Interjection.
Mr Mahoney: Well, you say it is, because I guess you're waiting for some magic out of the royal commission. Let me tell you, talk to the people in the province. You must do it; you're a lawyer. I'm sure you've dealt with many of these cases, with many injured workers. Talk to the people involved in this system. You don't need a royal commission to tell you what's wrong. You know that. I'm sure you do, but for some reason you're insisting on going along with it.
I've talked about the Friedland formula. Now let me deal with the purpose clause. This is another area a lot of concern is being expressed about, particularly in the business community. If you don't adopt some kind of balanced approach to the establishment of the board and the governance in this thing, the real fear is that the WCB, with your ability as a government to interfere in the day-to-day policy and the administration, will be driven by your left-wing agenda. That's what scares the life out of the business community. You should understand that. Why don't you at least recognize that there is a way to take the partisanship out of this thing? You won't do that.
You're even talking about eliminating experience rating. It's quite amazing, with the adjustments in the experience rating. Let me just take a minute to talk about the experience rating.
Think of two gas stations kitty-corner to one another in Sault Ste Marie. One of them's got a terrific health and safety record, hasn't had a claim in 10 years, no problem. The staff are all trained on health and safety matters, they clean up the oil, whatever. They run a good operation. On the other corner we've got a disaster, accident after accident. In my view, the first gas station shouldn't have to wait for some adjustment period to get a rebate. It should be very clear. We should be putting in place incentives for people to operate like the first gas station. But you won't do it here. That's the problem.
You say you agree. I hear all these warm, wet, fuzzy things out of the government, out of the parliamentary assistant, but you won't do it. Why not put in place a system that actually gives people some incentive to provide training to their people on the actual job site and give them lower premiums?
You can't do it by itself. You can't do it in isolation. That's the problem. We heard from an employee -- it took a lot of courage -- of the workers' compensation system in Thunder Bay who came in and said: "We see this kind of thing happening all the time, and now the government's setting up a royal commission. All you people want to travel around and you want to talk and you want to come up with ideas. Why don't you just tell us what it is you want us to do and we'll do it? Stop changing the program every day, every week, every month. Put in place some major reforms that we can deliver on and leave us alone."
I fear, I say to the parliamentary assistant, that what we're doing here is tinkering once again with the workers' compensation system, not providing the kind of leadership we have a real opportunity to provide, and the experience-rating system is clearly one of those.
The other example that is quite interesting in this bill is the new fine system you're putting in place. I don't understand why it is -- and maybe it's not just this government; let me try to be fair, but clearly this government is doing it -- you figure the way to solve problems is by being punitive. I don't understand that.
I made a number of recommendations in here that deal with health and safety. The principle under Bill 208 and under health and safety delivery to the community is that if you train workers and managers in better health and safety rules and regulations, you'll reduce accidents. Has it happened? No, it hasn't. Why not? It's hard to figure.
We have more accidents but we have this $60-million Cyclops called a health and safety agency gobbling up money, intimidating people, writing letters to the business community, upsetting everybody. If Mr Forder would spend more time running the agency and less time writing letters, maybe he'd get something done over there.
But it's really quite remarkable. What has happened is that it's got to the point where everybody just says: "Shut these guys down. We've had enough of this kind of abuse." We in this party still believe in the principles under Bill 208. What would be wrong in providing materials to the business community to provide training on their own in the community in which they live and work?
A representative from Inco, in the riding represented by the parliamentary assistant, came to me and said: "You know, we have to actually send our workers all the way to Hamilton, to the training centre in Hamilton to get health and safety training. They provide training at about the level of grade 7, when at Inco" -- and the member probably knows this -- "we've been providing training at a PhD level for years. Why can't we be recognized for that? Why do we have absorb the cost of flying people down to Hamilton or driving them down, putting them up in hotels, going through training programs?" Why do they have to do that?
Then he said: "You know what else? We would be prepared to be a delivery agency on a cost-recovery basis to deliver the health and safety training programs in Sudbury." Boy, does that make sense to me. Why not take advantage of that? It wouldn't cost the government a dime. It wouldn't cost the taxpayers a nickel. It wouldn't even cost the agency any money. They already have all the material. All they've got to do is provide it to the trainers at Inco, at Stelco, at Algoma, at General Motors. They'll train the small businesses. They said they'd be interested in doing that. All they want to do is recover their costs.
But no, this government can't do that. This government has to set up a health and safety agency, bipartite chairs, bipartite board, fighting all the time, disagreements, and then all we hear from the two co-chairs -- well, they made themselves CEOs; I'm sorry, I forgot. They had to increase their profile to go along with the corporate washroom they've got in their palatial offices. They made themselves CEOs and all we hear from them is: "There's nothing wrong. We're doing a wonderful job."
Well, I say directly to them, and particularly to Mr Forder, you should do what Bob McMurdo has had the guts to do and resign. Let's get on with providing health and safety training in the workplace and let's get on with implementing Bill 208 in the workplace so that it can indeed do what it was intended to do, and that is reduce the number of accidents.
The health and safety agency can tell me all day long that they can get people to come and make testimonials about how great the training has been. I'm sure they can. I would hope that for the last few years of operating this they have done a little more than nothing. I would hope that there are some workers out there who feel that the training they got from the agency is good. I wouldn't say everything is, as I said in my letter to him, rotten in the state of Denmark. They must have accomplished something in all that time.
But we're missing the boat. Part of the solution to reforming workers' compensation is to change the way we deliver health and safety training in this province so we can reduce the number of accidents. It's just so simple. It's staring you right in the face. You've got an opportunity to do it. You don't need to wait for a royal commission to tell you something that's right in front of your nose.
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Mr Eddy: I agree with you.
Mr Mahoney: I thought you might, I say to the member from Brantford, agree with me.
This is going to upset a few people, but there's something else that goes on in the workers' compensation system. We have workers who get injured, go through rehabilitation, can't go back to their pre-injury employment, for whatever reason, either the job's not available to them or perhaps they lost a limb or something happened where they were unable to perform the same job, so they get another job. It's not easy today, but it happens and it's been happening for a long time. They get another job. They also continue to get a pension. They continue to get a workers' compensation pension even though they get another job. We have two members of the cabinet in exactly that position.
Ms Murdock: They still have the injuries. How do you explain it then?
Mr Mahoney: I don't know. I see him bouncing around here. The back looks pretty sore. In fairness, I understand the fact that those jobs may be temporary. Maybe. What do you think? Chances are they're out the door pretty soon.
The point is, I was on a little bit of a debate the other day with Gord Wilson. I'm not putting words in his mouth. Gord Wilson said, "I don't expect anyone to profit from an injury." I agree with that. Gord agrees that we should be capping. We talked about benefits.
My report does not fix the Workers' Compensation Board on the backs of injured workers. In fact, we recommend that 90% of take-home pay be the level of benefit that should be paid. I stress take-home pay.
Ms Murdock: Yes, net.
Mr Mahoney: Yes, but I want to say more than net. I want to call it take-home pay. The reason is, W5 -- you all saw the program -- probably mentioned five times, maybe six or seven, that it's tax-free money. Since when isn't take-home pay tax-free money? Of course it is. I don't know what the point was.
They're trying to discredit these workers who are collecting benefits because they're tax-free. They're tax-paid or they're deemed to have been paid; therefore, they get 90% of their take-home pay. But we have a system here that allows that if a worker is working for six months and injured for six months, the member will know that you can actually get more than 90%, even more than 100% in some cases, and there are cases where that has been documented.
We heard a story of an individual who had taken early retirement from their municipality and got a pension from WCB as well. They were getting 165% of their pay before they were injured as a result of their pension from WCB and their pension from the corporation they retired from. That's nonsense.
What I have recommended, and I think I'm safe to say Gord Wilson supports, is that there be a cap, not more than 90% of your take-home pay. I'm not capable of figuring out how that can work. We need someone with a computer and the knowledge to figure that out on each individual case.
Mr Stockwell: I have a computer.
Mr Mahoney: I doubt if the member for Etobicoke West could figure it out with 10 computers.
I would suggest at no time should the income to an injured worker exceed 90% of take-home pay from all government sources, whether it be a retirement pension, CPP, UIC. Whatever it is, it should not exceed 90% of take-home pay. That will save some money, and I think that principle should be put in place.
We don't believe there is any justification for simply reducing -- you know, lift up the hood and look at the engine -- the benefit level when we heard the business community saying all over the province that's not what they think needs to be done to fix the problem.
I'm getting down in time here. I said before that the unfunded liability is an area of great concern. It gets a lot of headlines, gets a lot of people concerned about it. I don't mean to be simplistic, but the unfunded liability is basically the difference between the assets and the total debt and long-term commitments. We have assets of $6 billion and we have total debt and long-term commitments of $17.2 billion. That represents 37% funding; the $6 billion into the $17.2 billion and you come out at 37%.
If you adopt Friedland, you automatically take that $3.5 billion and you reduce it off the $17.2 billion, so for argument's sake you're down below $14 billion; you're still at $6 billion and you're getting up close to 50%; you're about 44% funded. That's what should be happening.
My report recommends that we adopt policies and make adjustments within the structure and the organization of the board to get us to 50% funding, and that then we adopt a principle by the board of increasing that by 2% a year until we reach 75%. At 75% funding of this liability, you are virtually fully funded.
I wouldn't stop there. I have no problem with going to 100%. I think it's a good goal to attain, but it doesn't need to happen tomorrow. We just need some confidence that the unfunded liability, which is growing at a rate of $2 million a day, six days a week, will stop growing at that rate or at any other rate, and that there is a government with a financial plan in place that will see that unfunded liability get fully funded one day. This will give the business community some sense that somebody at the board has a basic understanding.
There's another thing you can do. The $6-billion investment fund: I've heard arguments about this, about how it performed. One quote was that they earned 7.8% on the investments last year; another one was that they earned 14%. Whichever one you believe, it's not good enough. The teachers' pension fund last year earned 22% on its investment.
Mr Stockwell: Pretty aggressive.
Mr Mahoney: They are pretty aggressive, but that's what we have to be.
Not only do we want to decrease that debt of $17.2 billion, but we want to increase that asset base of $6 billion until we can reverse that trend. Those are the goals we need to set with some sense of confidence. We don't need to panic. We hear the rhetoric on the right saying: "You've got to fund it 100%. We're going broke." You hear the rhetoric on the left saying: "It's all your fault. You didn't pay enough in premiums over the years." Cut it out. Cut it out.
Mr Stockwell: What's your rhetoric?
Mr Mahoney: We don't need rhetoric. We need a plan, rhetorically speaking.
Hon Mr Wildman: The master of rhetoric.
Mr Mahoney: Rhetorically speaking. We need a plan --
Interjections.
The Acting Speaker (Mr Noble Villeneuve): Order, please.
Mr Mahoney: Mr Speaker, what's the matter? Settle down.
Interjection.
Mr Mahoney: I know this is hard for you to understand, Kimble. I'm going to send you a copy --
The Acting Speaker: Order, please. The member for Mississauga West.
Mr Mahoney: Kimble, I'm going to send you a copy of this report so you can have the time to sit down and understand it.
If you increase the asset and you decrease the debt base, eventually you're going to get to a point where you have some level of confidence. That simply isn't happening.
Service delivery is probably one of the biggest problems at the board. It's not just service delivery on behalf of injured workers either. I found that companies all over the province would rather have Revenue Canada and the Gestapo show up than to have the Workers' Compensation Board come in for an audit check. Nerve-racking. Small businesses especially would try to convince their employees who are injured not to file a claim: "We'll continue paying you. Just don't file a claim. I can't stand the thought of these guys coming in. They're going to jack my rates up. We already average $3. Just don't file a claim."
I thought, what can we do to fix that? Interesting: 72% of the claims that are filed are solved, dealt with and returned to work in two weeks. Amazing. One of the things I've suggested in a new step plan that we've proposed is that the first two weeks after an injury be voluntary self-insurance on both the worker -- voluntary -- and the employer. So they both have to agree.
Just follow me on this: The injury occurs, you fill out the form the same way you would normally, you submit it to the board, but they leave the file closed. The worker continues to get paid by their employer. This is a cost to the employer, no loss in income to the worker. If the employer doesn't want to do that, they say: "Open the file. I'm not prepared to do that." But most employers are prepared to do that rather than file a claim and go through all the problems with WCB, affect their experience rating, just get into the mess of it. They'd rather just deal with it: two weeks' voluntary self-insurance.
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I heard that the PLMAC group were actually talking about doing this for 18 weeks, if you can imagine. I can't imagine that any employer would be prepared to assume continuing paying a salary for 18 weeks. That's pretty outrageous. But two weeks: If I'm an employer and I think that in two weeks we can get your ankle injury fixed and get you back to work in a modified way, boy, I'll tell you, I'm interested in that. So it's voluntary on both sides.
Let me tell you what I think that would do. Aside from giving the business community an opportunity to avoid a visit by the bogeyman, that would also give the worker an opportunity to get quickly back to work and not get caught up in the trap of workers' compensation. I know all of you have met hundreds, maybe thousands of them who get into that cycle. It's a tragedy in many ways. They can't get off. They wind up with all the frustrations of dealing with the Workers' Compensation Board and it becomes their job, just trying to solve their own claim. This would give some incentive to avoid that from happening. The other thing it would do is that there would be a whole bunch of files down at the WCB that would be unopened.
Mr Stockwell: There already is.
Mr Mahoney: He says there already is. You're right. That's one of the problems.
Let me share one statistic with you. The average cost of a claim in Ontario's WCB is $24,000. The average cost in Canada is $12,000. The low cost in Canada, in one of the eastern provinces, is $6,000. Now think about this. If you could eliminate a number of these claims from actually being opened and processed, you could actually save some money: $24,000 per claim. No claim. It doesn't have to be opened. Business is happy. No claim. I don't get a visit by the inspectors. The worker's happy. No claim. I don't have to go through the indignity and all the nonsense they put me through. I can get back to work.
There is a misconception out there that everybody on WCB is on the dole. There's some cheating, but the fact is that the majority of the people who are injured want to get fixed. It's not just their job that they suffer losing. It affects their family life. It affects their recreation. It affects their lives with their kids. It stops them from doing all kinds of things.
I believe that while there are some cheaters, human nature basically says most people want to be productive members of society. They want some dignity and they want a job. If you put in a two-week, voluntary self-insurance period, that's something you could do immediately, I say to the parliamentary assistant. You don't need a royal commission to figure that out. It's right there. I give it to you gratis.
The business community is very interested. Labour thinks it makes sense, the ones I've talked to and I've talked to a lot of them. So there are things you could do that you're not doing that would solve the problem.
I go back to another issue I want to talk about: re-employment. I hear from people in business that as soon as the recession hits, the workers' comp claims go through the roof. It's hard to argue against the statistics because the statistics show that claims have gone up dramatically while health and safety training is supposed to be resolved in the province and everything else. Maybe it is part of the recession. I don't know. There's no real definitive proof on that, but I have some sympathy for that. One of the problems is there's no alternative for the injured worker to find another job, never mind to find a modified job within their company.
In some of the big companies it's not a problem. I was in Algoma Steel and had a tour of the plant. There was a chair where a fellow sat and the chair broke or something and they had to modify it and they fixed it up. He was injured: got him back to work in a couple of weeks. Everything worked out. But in many instances that's not possible.
What I hear workers saying is, "We want a guarantee that we're going to get our job back." I don't know how you do that. That's the latest rhetoric from trade labour and probably from the NDP, that we want to guarantee that job back. I just don't know how you do that.
First of all, I say to organized labour, if you want to guarantee that you can go back to your job, what do you do about seniority? I can't get an answer out of them on that. Somebody comes in and takes over the job and they work at it six months, a year, whatever. The guy comes back and says, "Okay, I'm better now." All of a sudden, boom, boom, boom, boom, and you know what happens: the guy on the bottom of the seniority list falls off. So you're eliminating a job for somebody; it just happens to be the poor sap who's the lowest on the totem pole.
I suggested in Sault Ste Marie, at our hearings, to members of the Steelworkers and others, why don't you make that part of your collective bargaining agreement? "Oh no, we don't want to do that. We don't want to touch that. Got any other ideas?" I'm not trying to be smart about it. It's a real problem.
We have to identify what we really believe workers' compensation is and, most importantly, identify what we believe it is not. It should not be, and was never intended to be, part of the social safety net. It is insurance. It is protection for businesses from lawsuits from workers who are injured, and it is protection for the injured workers from losing the income which would then lead to them losing their homes and their families and whatever else. It is, plain and simple, insurance. What's evolved over the years, through voc rehab, through medical attention and everything else, is that in the aid of reducing the amount of time you're on a compensation claim, we're going to find ways to reduce that time by getting you fixed, making you better, finding a way to modify your job so you can go back to work. That's all it is and all it was intended to be and all it should be.
If we continue with, as I said, the rhetoric of the left and the rhetoric of the right in this, if we continue with the extremes and the simple solutions of the Conservatives and the no-solutions of the socialists, we're going to see this thing disintegrate and fall apart, and it won't just be injured workers who will suffer; it will be all employers around this province, around this country.
We're very fortunate, in my view, in that we have a system that's in place that can make sense. But at no time should workers be allowed -- I hear the answer when I say: "Workers get injured. They go get a better job paying more money, and they continue to get a pension." The answer is, "They still have the injury." Come on. Gord Wilson said to me, "Nobody should profit from an injury."
The purpose of WCB is not so you can get a job making more money than you made before and continue to get some kind of pension award. I don't know why we call them pension awards to begin with. That's a misnomer. I understand it for the person who becomes a paraplegic, a quadriplegic, who loses an arm, who loses a leg; the tragedy of workplace accidents. I understand there has to be some form of compensation for that. That's why we have non-economic loss awards. That's why we try to determine future economic loss awards. But once you determine that the future economic loss no longer exists, why would you keep on paying them a future economic loss that no longer exists?
I'm not blaming you for this. We did it. They did it. You continue to do it. We have to change that. If a worker gets fixed and gets back to work, they should be off compensation, end of story, case shut, file closed, let's get on to the next one. It's basic, simple, fundamental common sense, and I submit to the government it's one of the only things that will indeed put this thing on a firm financial footing.
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Let me close by just saying that the recommendations in this report, Back to the Future, are not the panacea. I admit that. They're not the only solutions; there are others. The model for the governance of the board is not the only one. I'm prepared to look at others.
I believe the foundation, however, puts in place some recommendations and suggestions that make sense, that are, most importantly, doable; that are not my ideas, to tell you the truth. They're the ideas of injured workers, small business people, CEOs, lawyers, consultants, other politicians, the ideas of the people of Ontario. That's what they're for. I would ask you to look at it, to see if there's anything you can take out of this document that might find its way into your plans for reform. Since you're going ahead with the royal commission, I'll be presenting this there. Maybe they'll listen.
Mr Arnott: I'd like to give the member for Mississauga West credit for an entertaining speech, which he always provides this House when he stands on his feet.
Mr Mahoney: "However" --
Mr Arnott: However, I must take issue with him on the way he characterized the position of our party with respect to the privatization of some of the services that are presently being looked after by the Workers' Compensation Board.
Our position, as I understand it, is this: We would examine the merits of privatization and contracting out for both the administration and provision of workers' compensation services and enlist private sector expertise to develop and implement less expensive and more effective ways to retrain, rehabilitate and respond to the needs of inured workers so that they can re-enter the workforce. We say we should investigate the possibility of private sector training as an alternative to the current approach, which is not serving either employers or injured workers.
I'd like to ask the member how, specifically, he disagrees with the position I've just articulated, which is an accurate description of the position of our party? I also asked him a question by way of interjection during the context of his speech, which he has not answered, unfortunately, and it's a basic question: How do you create marketplace discipline without competition within the Workers' Compensation Board? He said the Workers' Compensation Board ought to be run like a business, but I would like to put that question to him, and hopefully I'll receive an answer this time.
Ms Murdock: I want to commend the member. I actually expected it to be a rant and a rave, and it wasn't, so I want to thank him for that.
In any case, I want to agree with the member opposite for his points about the doctors for rehabilitative medicine. It is very true, and we in the north know that only too well, in terms of finding any kind of specialist, but especially physiatrists, as they're called, for doing rehab medicine. I think there are going to have to be, as the member has suggested, incentives in medical schools.
On the cost issue he mentioned, however, he made the point that the money saved by the Friedland formula we were just going to spend on the $200 we're giving to the older-act injured workers. I would like to point out, which I didn't in my opening remarks, that the money saved by Friedland is $21.6 billion. The money that's going to be paid out for the $200 is $5.6 billion, and then there are the return-to-work savings, which we're conservatively estimating at $2.1 billion. It's going to be more difficult to estimate that clearly.
Even if we were to use the analysis that the member opposite is using, we can see that $21 billion and $5 billion are significantly different. It is not the government that dictates the policies. In the section the member referred to, he -- inadvertently, I'm sure -- forgot to mention that that section is only for the transition period of one year. It is not going to be ongoing, as has been intimated in his remarks.
I really take some exception to his remarks on the incentives for health and safety. In my view, much of the section under 103.1 does.
Mr Bruce Crozier (Essex South): I would like to congratulate my colleague from Mississauga West on what I think was a very informative discussion that should leave some thought with all of us.
There are a couple of points that struck me as being very interesting. Our member mentioned the confrontational way that workers' comp is approached these days. I think that what he is pointing out there is a weakness in the system, that right from the word go we seem to be at an adversarial point between the worker and it could be the Workers' Compensation Board or the employer, or it could be all three.
I think that word "confrontation" could be used again in that this is a departure from confrontation the way the member has presented his paper, Back to the Future. He has tried not to be too critical, but he's tried to give interesting points that could be considered by the government and has in fact invited them to do so.
One of the questions the other party asked was, "How can you create marketplace discipline with a public body like this?" I'm sure that our member will have a better answer, but I would like to suggest that what you do is exactly what he suggests. His suggestion is that you take government influence out of it, you create a board that has all of the people who have stock in this, who have a concern about it, and then you run it without government influence.
The Acting Speaker: We can accommodate one final participant.
Mrs Witmer: I would like to commend my colleague for the comments that have been made. What he has basically done today, I think, is to share with us the Liberal plan for WCB.
I would indicate at this time that our party had done a similar type of consultation and had come out with an action plan in 1993. Certainly I think there's a tremendous amount of merit in all sides of the House taking the opportunity to meet with injured workers, with the business community and all of the individuals involved in WCB. I would just like to share with you some of the action and directions that we believe were necessary after our investigation and after we had completed our consultation.
We had determined at that time that there was a need for a moratorium on all new entitlement until there was a plan in place to deal with the unfunded liability. Unfortunately, today we're going to be dealing with a bill that is going to expand entitlement but does not have a plan to deal with the unfunded liability. We thought that was an absolute necessity, and certainly people throughout this province told us that was absolutely essential as well.
We had recommended also to improve the management of the workers' compensation system. We recognized that there needed to be an individual in charge who was an executive, someone from the private sector, someone from the insurance industry who had the expertise to deal with the system.
Thirdly, we would direct management to cut the costs. Again we have difficulty with people going back to work and then receiving lifetime pension awards. Something needs to be done.
We had indicated as well that to help achieve the new WCB management objectives that are required to control costs and to better serve injured workers we needed value-for-money audits and internal spending controls.
My colleague has already talked about the need to look at privatization and I guess what we were looking at was a system that was truly going to better serve the needs of injured workers. We presently don't have that in the province today.
The Acting Speaker: Thank you. This completes questions and/or comments. The honourable member for Mississauga West has two minutes in response.
Mr Mahoney: Thank you to all the members for those comments. Let me start off by saying directly how you provide marketplace discipline without competition. What's really interesting is, WCB is not supposed to be government. Think about it. It's funded by employers. It's supposed to function on behalf of employers.
I believe, as my colleague has said, that if you take government out of the way and not have the kind of government interference, all of the businesses who work together, and one of the principles under Justice Meredith is collective liability, that everybody pays into it together, it becomes a pool to service the private sector. You don't need to worry about competition because it would be taking its marching orders from the people who pay the bills. It doesn't do that now. It's interfered with by government.
Directly to the parliamentary assistant: I recognize and I said that the ability for the government to direct the policy of the WCB is only for the next year, and I simply say to you, I have seen the damage that your government has caused in three years with the overall provincial economy. I shudder to think what you may be able to accomplish by controlling the Workers' Compensation Board. That's not what it's set up for.
Let me also add that private sector training is something I absolutely believe in. I forget which member it was that said it. I think it might have been the critic for the Conservatives. I believe in private sector training. I have made recommendations in this outreach tour report to show how we can actually get the training done with the cooperation of the private sector. Our goal is to stop accidents from happening, period. That will fix the workers' compensation system if we're ever, together, able to achieve that goal. That's what we in the Liberal Party are committed to.
Report continues in volume B.