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The House met at 1002.
Prayers.
PRIVATE MEMBERS' PUBLIC BUSINESS
RECALL PROCESS
Mr Cousens moved private member's notice of motion number 41:
That, in the opinion of this House, recognizing that recall provides citizens with the opportunity to exercise accountability over their elected officials; and
Since other jurisdictions in Canada are exploring the recall option in their provincial legislatures; and
Since evidence from other jurisdictions outside of Canada indicates that recall is rarely abused; and
Since the recall process should explore the ethical criteria for recall of an elected officer; and
That the process in which to initiate the recall process may involve a review of several checks and balances that could be ascertained by further guidance from legislative officials and the public,
The standing committee on the Legislative Assembly be required to develop a recall process for consideration by the Legislature and to present their recommendations and options to the Legislative Assembly by the spring session in 1995.
The Acting Speaker (Mr Noble Villeneuve): The honourable member will have 10 minutes to open debate, after which all recognized parties will have 15 minutes to participate in the debate and then the honourable member for Markham will have two minutes in summation.
Mr W. Donald Cousens (Markham): This resolution may be called the recall resolution or the Bhaduria resolution.
Jag Bhaduria has been elected as the MP for the riding of Markham-Whitchurch-Stouffville, which overlaps my riding 100%. Mr Bhaduria is a charlatan, and if you want to see someone who is a specialist in deception and manipulation, he has certainly done it to the people of Markham-Whitchurch-Stouffville. He has hurt his riding. He has hurt the immigrant population. He has offended Canadians from coast to coast. He has destroyed the confidence of his own constituents. The people of Markham feel betrayed.
Today I would like to find a way that if such a person or such a candidate were to come to the Ontario Legislature, we would have some process by which to deal with it.
Let me deal with Mr Bhaduria's situation before he was elected. Federal Liberal fortunes were rising, certainly across the country. A month before October 25, few would have forecast that the Liberals would sweep Ontario the way they did, but it was all-important for the Liberals to win Ontario over. They would not gamble and take a chance of exposing Mr Bhaduria for who he was. They did not want to appear bigoted, I suppose. What happened is that Mr Chrétien and senior Liberals did know there were problems with Mr Bhaduria, but it was time for damage control. They didn't want to take a chance of upsetting the apple-cart.
Mr Bhaduria ran as a management consultant, so the public had no idea that he had been a teacher a few years before. The party did know that Mr Bhaduria had certain things in his background and certainly was not prepared to act on them.
After he was elected, I have to look at the way the federal Liberals dealt with the situation. There isn't any doubt that they handled it in a very special way. They gave him forgiveness over the poison-pen letters, and then they found a reason to remove him from the federal Liberal caucus.
When the Liberals kicked Mr Bhaduria out of caucus, they were seen to be very clean of the whole question. However, if Mr Bhaduria's not good enough for the federal Liberals, why should he be good enough for the people of Markham-Whitchurch-Stouffville?
A coalition of Liberals, Reformers and PCs signed petitions calling for his recall. Over 35,000 signatures were submitted indicating that the community had lost confidence in this person. They requested a judicial review of the matter. This matter has now been referred to a parliamentary committee investigating citizen participation, but the fact of the matter is that the people of Markham-Whitchurch-Stouffville feel they have not been able to have any impact because there is no true process for people to initiate a recall provision.
If such a thing happened in the Ontario House, we could be faced with the same kind of situation, so I'd like to talk about recall and indicate that this becomes a very viable option for our Legislature to look at.
Recall is a procedure which enables voters to remove a public official from office before the end of his or her term. The recall process is initiated by the circulation of a petition among the electorate for signatures. The recall is based on the political theory that voters should retain the right of control over their elected officials.
The United States is one country in the free world that employs a recall procedure: 15 American states provide in their state constitutions for the recall of elected officials at state politics. Eight of these states provide for the removal of all officials while six exclude judges, but it goes to show they have set up a process.
How does recall work? Recall laws in the United States vary in their detail, but all exhibit the following general features. First, voters interested in seeking a recall must circulate a petition. Second, election officials review the petition within a time period specified in the recall law to determine whether the petition has a requisite number of signatures. Finally, if the election officials determine that the petition has attracted the requisite number of signatures, a recall election is held.
What you're talking about here is a system where different states have found different ways, where different percentages of people will be involved. The signature requirements do vary from state to state and can affect the ability of voters to recall officials. The more stringent the signature requirement, the more difficult it will be for a recall to succeed.
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Why would you want a recall? An official can be recalled for any reason, but in the United States, for example, in Michigan, their constitution declares that the sufficiency of any statement of reasons or grounds procedurally required for invoking the recall procedure shall be a political rather than a judicial judgement.
Secondly, they have indicated that in other states, the recall statute requires merely a brief and clear statement of the reason for the recall. The reason must be based upon acts or the conduct of the official.
The third type of recall provision specifies that an official may be recalled only for misconduct. For example, under the Montana recall statute, officials may be recalled for physical or mental lack of fitness, incompetence, violation of oath of office, official misconduct or conviction of felony offences.
Recall has not been used to the disadvantage of people, but it has been used extensively in the United Sates. Somewhere between 4,000 and 5,000 recall campaigns have been initiated in the United States. About 50% of these have been successful.
I'd like to outline some of the arguments for recall.
The recall provides for continuous accountability of public officials to the electorate. Voters need not wait for the next election to rid themselves of incompetent, dishonest, unresponsive or irresponsible politicians. The threat of a recall compels public officials to remain responsive to the mood and wishes of the electorate.
Second, the recall reduces the influence of special interests and lobbyists on politicians, who are reminded that corruption in office will not be tolerated by an electorate which is empowered to remove them at any time.
Third, the potential use of the recall encourages voters to stay informed about contemporary politics and to monitor the conduct of their politicians. The ability to recall unresponsive officials is an antidote to public apathy and frustration with the political process.
Fourth, the recall provides a safety valve for popular emotions surrounding controversial issues.
This whole issue has been raised in Canada on previous occasions. In fact, in 1935, in a provincial election campaign in Alberta, Social Credit leader William Aberhart promised that if elected, his government would introduce a recall bill. They did, and then when people started gathering around to get rid of Mr Aberhart himself, he had the bill revoked retroactively so that it stopped the process. So what we have is a situation where recall has been brought in and then moved away.
In 1990, the Social Credit government of British Columbia introduced the Referendum Act, which empowered the provincial cabinet to hold referenda on issues that were deemed of public concern. They came in on October 17 of that year. Some 80% of those voting answered yes to the recall question and only 19% voted no. However, when the Socreds were defeated, the issue did not proceed in the Legislature. What has happened there is something that has happened in other places: People have talked about it but have not acted on it.
If you look at the public opinion polls today, the public at large is saying, "Politicians, give us -- the people -- a chance to participate in the electoral process between elections so that if something happens that we lose our confidence, we have a way of starting a process to remove you from office." The people who are stopping that process are the politicians. The public wants it but the politicians aren't willing to put their necks on the line for that.
I'm suggesting, through this bill, that we start that process through a committee of the Legislature that will begin to look at it. It will give the people of Ontario a sense of making their politicians always accountable, so that if someone is elected to office in this House and the people have a concern, they will not have the frustration that the people of Markham-Whitchurch-Stouffville have gone through and endured, and failed in trying to do something about. We have no way of dealing with the member we have in office. In that case, let us find a process provincially, federally, at every level, to see that this can happen. That is the suggestion behind this proposal.
Ms Sharon Murdock (Sudbury): I am pleased to join in the debate today, mostly because it actually forced me -- and I have to thank the member for Markham for this; I knew that I did not agree with recall but I didn't know why -- to do some research on the subject. As a consequence, I think, in my mind anyway, I can articulate to myself why recall is not the appropriate way to go.
I'm going to quote William Howard Taft from 1913. There has long been a discussion on how the people can have some political control over their representatives, so it's been discussed a lot. The Americans actually have a lot more literature on the subject than we do.
"Recall tends to produce in every public official a nervous condition of irresolution as to whether he should do what he thinks he ought to do in the interests of the public, or should withhold from doing anything, or should do as little as possible in order to avoid any discussion at all."
It's a convoluted way of saying it, but the reality is that I don't know, with a recall hanging over members' heads, whether you would really have people making decisions in terms of what is good for the province, in this case, or whether they would be worrying about whether a special-interest group would be calling them back on whatever and having to deal with that issue.
The charges on recall are interesting, and this is the other part that really bothers me. They can be assertions of corruption; you never have to prove it, though. They can range from the assertion to the presumption that an official is unrepresentative of his community. How do you determine that? What criteria are used to make that determination? "Unresponsive," "Wasteful," "Indifferent to the responsibilities of the office": These are examples that have been used in the past. How does one make that determination, number one? Number two, who is going to make it?
I think the political theory on which recall is based is that voters should have the right of control over their elected representatives, that the member is not the master but the servant of the constituent. Politically that's true, but the reality is that you have the control at every election time. In our case it's not a set time, it's whenever an election gets called, but at least you know it's never going to be longer than five years unless there's a war.
Recalls are extremely costly to the community and they force a special election. We know that. In most instances, they never require any kind of establishment of truth or even whether there is any merit in misconduct. It is primarily and often entirely a political rather than a judicial procedure.
I know the 15 states the member for Markham referred to use percentages. You have to get 15% of the voters who voted in the last election, or 10% in some cases, which I think is extremely minimal, but 20% to 25% is the average.
There is a problem there too. I'm going to use the federal government as an example rather than provincial, when the Liberals brought in, a number of years ago under Trudeau, the whole issue on abortion. Basically, if recall had been in place at that point, it could have meant that a special-interest group, on the basis of a free vote in the House, which it was, could have gotten the petitions. I have no doubt in my mind that they would have gotten 20% of the people who had voted in the election. They could conceivably have forced a member who had voted in favour or against, whichever the case may be, whatever their wishes were, and caused another election to be called.
I don't think the intent of recall is on whether or not your political views are different. I think really the intent of recall is, in the case of the example used by the member for Markham, anger that you didn't know much of the information before or during an election campaign. But I think there too, there is some responsibility on the voters in this country to find out about their members and take the time to do that. We in this country are very lucky to be able to vote, and unfortunately I think we have taken it for granted. Many people sit back and only when there is an election called pay any attention to what's going on. That is a real shame.
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I will not be supporting the bill of the member for Markham. I thank you for allowing me this time. I'm going to stop now because I have other members of my party would like to speak.
Mr Robert W. Runciman (Leeds-Grenville): I don't want to be mean-spirited, but I think the member who just spoke could be, in some respects, a candidate for recall with her own electors. I'm thinking of the situation with the murder of Constable Joe MacDonald some time ago in her own community. A few days after that shooting she got up and made a statement in this House about the Trivial Pursuit run by the Rotary club; not one reference to the screwup of the Ontario parole board, chaired by an NDP appointee, and the fact that this individual was out on the streets to commit murder.
In any event, this is an important initiative undertaken by the member for Markham, who is well known in this House and has significant tenure here in introducing very meaningful and helpful measures into the Legislature in terms of trying to help the people of Ontario. I want to say that I recognize the concerns in his riding in respect to the federal member Mr Bhaduria.
Ms Christel Haeck (St Catharines-Brock): That's a cheap shot.
Mr Runciman: That wasn't a cheap shot; that was a legitimate shot.
Interjection: You should be recalled, sir.
Mr Runciman: Go and ask the people of Sudbury who should be recalled. We'll see how many of you are recalled in the next election. It'll be a very significant number.
I want to talk about the Arizona situation, which is the most recent one in memory, where the governor of Arizona, I believe, was recalled. He had made some very radical comments. He made some disparaging remarks about Martin Luther King Day in the United States and refused to recognize it as part of a national holiday in the state of Arizona. There were a significant number of petitioners who asked for a recall vote, and that individual was, in the subsequent election, removed from office. I think that's an appropriate initiative.
I understand the example used by my colleague the member for Markham -- the only example, I gather, in Canada -- was of Mr Aberhart, who introduced that kind of legislation and then was the subject of it himself in his own riding and cancelled the legislation.
I guess that's the problem I see, basically, with the Canadian system, where we have the parliamentary system and we don't have a division between the executive and legislative branches, so that quite often we see all of the power vested in the Premier's office or the Prime Minister's office. We see that has occurred essentially in this government. We saw it in the Mulroney government. We're seeing it happen again in the federal government under Mr Chrétien. So that's a difficulty where a Prime Minister, for example, or a Premier can, in an arbitrary way, cancel this kind of initiative against perhaps the wishes of the people of the province or the country or even his own members, because there is so much power under our system vested in the office of the leader of the government.
I think this goes hand in hand with referendum legislation as well, which is an indication of how the people feel about a given issue. I feel very strongly, as I know the member who's going to speak following me from our party feels very strongly, about referendum legislation so the electorate have an opportunity to speak on very controversial issues.
Too often in the past we've seen all of the three mainstream parties, Conservative, Liberal and NDP, singing from the same hymn-book, whether it's Meech Lake or the Charlottetown accord, very controversial issues like official bilingualism; those kinds of issues where people, ordinary everyday citizens, have heard no one in the legislatures of Canada or the federal House speaking on their behalf because they've been intimidated by party discipline, party whips, and have toed the line because of their own personal ambitions or what have you and have not spoken out on behalf of the people they represent.
There has to be a mechanism available to ordinary citizens to ensure that their representatives are speaking on their behalf, and they shouldn't have to wait four or five years to take action.
We had Mr Svend Robinson, a federal NDP member, talking about how he may be convicted of a crime. I'm not sure if it's obstruction of justice; something to do with a BC logging firm. He said, "I'm not going to leave office if I'm convicted." "The only way I can be removed is if I'm sentenced for up to five years in federal penitentiary. Then I'm removed from office."
Well, it seems to me that's a significant weakness, if someone has to be sentenced to five years in federal penitentiary before he can be removed from office. We could have individuals commit very significant crimes and apparently their electorate cannot have any recourse in terms of removing those individuals from office; significant weaknesses.
We're seeing more populist parties arise in this country, which I think is important, so that these kinds of issues are being raised now in the legislatures and the federal House which were not raised to any significant extent in the past.
I want to again compliment the member for Markham for bringing this issue to the attention of the Legislature. Once again, he's doing a fine job not only representing Markham but the people of Ontario.
Mr David Winninger (London South): I'm certainly pleased as well to rise and debate the resolution before the House today.
It's my perception that the Conservative Party has never been more interested in recall than when they find themselves in opposition, and I noticed with some interest the member for Markham's reference to the US experience with recalls and the fact that 75% of all recalls were at the municipal level; 50% of those were successful. I understand that the member for Markham actually has municipal ambitions and perhaps when he attains his aspirations he may well wish to introduce some kind of amendment to the Election Act that would permit him to be recalled in the same way that Bill Aberhart sought the same conclusion -- until he was in office. Once he was in office, as the member for Markham noted --
Mr Randy R. Hope (Chatham-Kent): That was then; this is now.
Mr Winninger: My colleague says, "That was then; this is now."
David Pond, in his very good research paper, indicated that as soon as the recall movement started against Mr Aberhart himself the legislation was introduced by Mr Aberhart retroactive to the day that the recall legislation of Alberta gained royal assent and was successful in staving off recall effort on him.
I can't go on without observing the remarks of the member for Leeds-Grenville in regard to my esteemed colleague from Sudbury who spoke earlier in these proceedings. I think that kind of cheap and tawdry remark has no place in this House. Certainly, we all commiserated with the family of the officer slain in Sudbury, and to somehow link my colleague from Sudbury, whose services to her own constituents are inestimable, with that kind of violent act is totally reprehensible and I'm sure the member from Markham across the floor probably winced when he heard those remarks from the member for Leeds-Grenville.
Suffice it to say that there are many criticisms of recall legislation. I know there is an illusion that recall will somehow make politicians more accountable and responsive, and we need more of that today. We have a system of representative democracy that has served us well ever since it developed from what was direct democracy in ancient Athenian times. But with representative democracy comes a certain responsibility. We have recall, Mr Speaker, as you know. Governments can only serve for a term of up to five years. If the electorate don't like what they've done, then they're subject to recall. The fallacy with recall legislation is this: We elect people to office; we expect them to display leadership; we expect them sometimes, as this government has had to do on several occasions, to make tough decisions. These decisions may not have immediate short-term benefits, although many of them do, but they may be in the nature of sound planning for the future.
If, as my colleague from Sudbury observed, politicians constantly have to look over their shoulder lest the wealthy and privileged interest groups in their constituencies attempt to muster votes to oust them from office, they cannot make the kinds of decisions that they need to make on a daily basis. The reason I say the benefits of recall legislation are illusory is that they don't benefit the average voter. The average voter does not have the resources to go out and collect 20,000 names on a petition. Certainly the wealthy and influential people do, and to enable them to influence governmental decisions in that kind of way I think does not serve democracy well.
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I think it's important to note, as the member from Markham didn't, that the report of the Lortie Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing, after several years of consultation and several million dollars of spending, came to the conclusion that recall legislation would prevent compromise among regional and special interests within the government; that because we tend to have a high turnover of MPs and MPPs at the provincial and federal level we don't necessarily need recall; that voters tend to be highly influenced by party leaders and not necessarily by decision-making of the backbenchers; that interest and lobby groups, as I said, can mount very expensive campaigns to oust very responsible politicians from office; and, finally, that successful recall would allow a vociferous minority within a riding to upset a majority that's been arrived at across the province.
In conclusion, and we have one more of my colleagues who wishes to speak, I think that recall legislation is inopportune. It hasn't served those jurisdictions in the US well. In Alberta it was a complete sham. I think the resolution should be defeated.
Mr David Turnbull (York Mills): This is a debate that I'm particularly pleased to join. I agree with elements of what all of the speakers have spoken about. I'm going to support my colleague the member for Markham because I think this is a useful resolution.
The resolution speaks to the fact that we need to refer this matter to a legislative committee for study. Indeed, it's interesting to see that in BC, in the last provincial election, a huge number of the electorate voted in favour of both referenda and recall, and the two issues go together. Under recall, 73.75% of the voters in BC said yes, they wanted recall mechanisms, and 74% of the electorate said, in the last election, that they wanted to have access to citizen-initiated referenda and indeed government-initiated referenda.
This would engage people in direct democracy. There is a strong need to move to direct democracy from our current system of representative democracy because, frankly, there is a great cynicism today, not just in Canada but in all the western world, about the role of politicians and their responsiveness to the people who are our masters. Let us not forget that the electors are our masters.
The problem in debating this undoubtedly is the fact that yes, there is a danger that as long as we have not made the final step to total direct democracy, within our present system an individual member can, to some extent, be held to ransom by the desires of a small, vociferous minority. The evidence in the US would suggest that it is neither exclusively the left nor the right in the political spectrum that is involved in this. There is pretty much a balance with respect to the success of the organizations who move referenda items in the US.
Here we are today with the situation that there is a member of the federal Parliament who is beyond the reach of anything we can do here, but at least we can send a signal out. But that member was elected with patently false representations about his qualifications, and that's very disturbing. There was a very fine member of Parliament representing that area who was swept away in the last election. He was a Conservative, and by every measure all of the people of that riding have agreed that he was a very effective member, a very non-partisan member, somebody who worked very hard for the people of that area. But in the leadership politics that we find we have in Canada, where so much depends on the popularity or the unpopularity of a leader, the tide sweeps somebody away.
I suspect that if an election were held today with the knowledge that those people in Markham have, the previous member would be re-elected with a massive majority. But that's water under the bridge. The fact is that we have an electorate that is disturbed by the lack of accountability of some of its members.
Surely, we should be doing everything we can to re-establish the confidence of the people in our system. I think the most important move would be to allow for citizen-initiated referenda. Indeed, I introduced a private member's bill some two and a half years ago on this very issue. Mr Speaker, you were in the chair at the time and you will recall it was a tied vote and you cast your ballot and it passed.
But in the ways of this House, the private member's bill disappeared into the ether because the government of the day blocked the movement of that private member's bill into a standing committee, which meant that essentially it was dead, even though it had been passed by this House.
The public want to feel that they have some ownership of the political process between elections. At the moment they don't feel that way. That is why my party has gone out and consulted very, very widely in the last three and a half years with the electorate. But the public has no concrete way of addressing its distaste for individual politicians.
If we were to introduce a system which would allow for the recall of a politician, I would say that we should be very careful that the circumstances under which recall can occur must be very, very strict, so that there cannot be a capricious use of this. Clearly, where there is a violation, lying to the public, then that member should be removed. Where there is any fraud, that member should be removed, and we're not talking about if that member has served five years plus a day in federal penitentiary. We should be able to remove the person expeditiously.
This would allow at least a committee of the Legislature to examine the issue and arrive at a fair way that would allow the safety valves of the electorate to be able to say, "I can affect the outcome of what happens with respect to my local politician," whom they may or may not have elected. But we must set the barrier at which they need to get a number of signatures sufficiently high that we don't get a very small minority essentially blackmailing that member, because I'm mindful of the fact that in times of extreme economic difficulty, such as the time we face now, a member who votes for a very unpopular financial bill which may in fact impact their own riding would be in danger of being swept away under this. We must make sure that allow sufficient latitude for members to vote their conscience and to be able to face the electorate in the next election. But there are clearly circumstances under which members should be removed at an earlier period of time.
I commend my colleague the member for Markham and I hope this passes today so that we can have an opportunity to send it to a committee and at least debate it in an intelligent, open way and allow public input. I am disturbed at the fact that all I get during this debate is constant heckling from the NDP. Clearly, they feel that if they oppose this, they can wash their hands of the fact that they have done a very poor job in government. They are scared of the implications of what this bill would do.
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Mr Gordon Mills (Durham East): I'm pleased to rise this morning to speak to this resolution. I would say right off the bat I think it's crazy, and that's being blunt, but I would also suggest that the member has got something mixed up here. Here he is, he brings this resolution forward to affect the members of this Legislature and he's going to resign his seat and he's going to run for the mayor of Markham.
Mr Bob Huget (Sarnia): Is he campaigning for mayor?
Mr Mills: Yes. He's telling us what to do and then he's bolting off. He says here, "...recognizing that recall provides citizens with the opportunity to exercise accountability over their elected officials." I might suggest to the honourable mayor of Markham that he introduce this legislation as a motion in his council as soon as he's elected and then we can practise what happens in --
Ms Murdock: That's presuming he gets elected.
Mr Mills: If he gets elected; I don't know about that.
In all fairness, let's get serious here. We have followed the British parliamentary system for centuries. It's been the parliamentary system in the mother of parliaments in London, England, it's been the mother of parliaments in the House of Commons in Ottawa, and our role here is also governed by that centuries-old tradition that works, and it's worked for centuries. Why someone would come in here and suggest some crackpot resolution to change a system that has been in operation for centuries in the western world is absolutely beyond me.
This resolution reeks of "those that have got the gold will win." We know that this, coming from that party, is bent upon the ones who have got the money will go out and they will corral special-interest groups to start a recall, and if anything happens that they don't like, they've got the power and they've got the resources, and the common man in the street is left to one side and he can do nothing. I think this is the most dreadful resolution I've ever seen.
Can you imagine a day after an election -- and they haven't gotten over the NDP getting elected yet. They're still smarting. They're smarting all over the province. They're smarting in my riding. They can't look me in the face, they're so upset still, and here we are nearly four years down the road. Can you imagine if we got elected and then a group of these people with the money said: "We don't like that. Let's recall that guy now. Let's get rid of him"? It would undermine the whole electoral process because they would have the right to recall someone they didn't like, and that's the basis of what they want. They just want to get rid of the wrong people.
Ms Haeck: No merit, right?
Mr Mills: No, there's no merit in it at all. Can you imagine, we would be constantly electioneering. It would be awful. We wouldn't be able to do anything.
Mr Huget: That's what Cousens is doing now.
Mr Mills: Well, we know.
In closing -- and I've got nine seconds; seven -- I think we should stick with the balanced approach that's tried, true and works in this country and it works all across -- we've had Russians come here and ask what we're doing. They want to use us as an example. Crazy.
Mr James J. Bradley (St Catharines): What this resolution is all about, in my view, and with all due respect to my friend from Markham, is the contest for mayor of Markham, essentially. I know my friend is running for mayor of Markham. I'm probably giving him a little publicity now by saying this, but that is what it's all about this morning. It's an interesting initiative. As a politician, I should perhaps compliment him on this particular initiative, if I can use that word, which is used often in the United States.
This is an imposition of American politics on Canada, and that's what it's all about. The difficulty is that in a British parliamentary system it's difficult to apply the American political system to Canada, because it's a system in the United States, as we know, that separates the executive and legislative branches, whereas in Canada the executive and legislative branches are integrated into one. The British parliamentary system does not lend itself to a lot of the changes that people in the right wing in the United States are endeavouring to implement.
This is not to say that the member has not raised an issue which is not on the public's mind. Obviously in the riding he represents, in the federal situation there's been a lot of publicity and a lot of frustration. I want to say that the member has at least raised an issue which is on the public mind, and it's something we always have to wrestle with in the British parliamentary system as to how we're going to handle it.
I've listened to speakers talk about the federal member for the riding that Mr Cousens is a provincial member for and, while I certainly do not endorse what I have seen so far from that member and some of the things that have happened by any means, I really think there is a biblical saying out there that says something like, "Let him who is without sin cast the first stone."
If I were to look at all of the members of various elected bodies in this country who've been elected not exactly telling the truth, that would certainly disqualify a lot of people from public office because they sometimes haven't exactly portrayed themselves as they are and they've made promises that clearly cannot be delivered. That could apply to a lot of people.
In the case the member makes reference to, I can certainly understand the frustration of the people there. It's important for political parties to work hard to try to make sure that the candidates who come forward are portraying themselves as they really are and are reputable people. It's incumbent upon political parties to do that; I think most of us would agree that that is the case.
I listened to the member for Don Mills and he had an interesting thing to say that I think concerns a lot of people with the issue of recall: that it places elected members in a position where they can become the captive of special-interest groups.
Certainly this is the case in many cases in the United States where political action committees have a great influence over members of Congress and members of state legislatures, or at least try to exercise that. If you have a recall provision, it'll become even greater.
First of all, a lot of the people interested in recall are partisans. The member for Durham East has clearly indicated that after the last election there were a lot of bitter people. There are after any election where one government is defeated and another government is put in place.
I'm sure there were Liberals and Conservatives and others who might well have wanted to initiate some kind of recall on any one of the NDP members across the floor, particularly newer members in ridings where the NDP had not been particularly successful before. But they had been elected by the people of this province and they serve as they see fit. The people of this province will have a chance to pass judgment on election day; we'll either re-elect the government or elect one of the other political parties to govern in Ontario.
I find it very concerning to me that special-interest groups, particularly powerful and rich special-interest groups, could torpedo the political representation within a riding, could take over that riding. That's a great danger to me because I think our responsibility is to represent all of the people within a constituency, not simply special-interest groups.
When people come into our constituency offices, we know that we represent not only those who are there to perhaps get more out of the system but also those who must pay the tab; those who overwhelmingly do not get access to the system, do not get anything directly out of the system, but have to pay the bills.
I think it's important as well, as this resolution points out, that in an election campaign -- and I think we all encourage this -- people watch carefully as the campaign unfolds, that the news media present for people the information that is necessary, that people go to the public meetings to question candidates, that there be extensive canvassings of the candidates' views and the candidates' qualifications, to ensure at least that when the people vote for them they know what they're voting for. I think again there would be a consensus on that.
I know recall has some popularity in western Canada, in certain provinces in the far west of Canada in particular. But once again, it becomes an almost untenable situation if political representatives constantly have to be looking over their shoulder at powerful special-interest groups who are trying to bring them down. It makes it more difficult to do their job on behalf of their constituents.
All of us should be consulting our constituents on an ongoing basis. We do it simply by conversations in the street, by people who call constituency offices, by mail that comes in, by various events that we attend where we have access to people or by going out and questioning people about their views and issues. We also have, of course, access to the news media, whether it happens to be the formality of a newspaper where you have a letters to the editor column or you have radio talk shows where people may express their views.
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There is a variety of ways that those of us in public office can get the views of the people, and I think it's going to be important and incumbent upon all who have any role in this to ensure that when we present candidates for public office at any level, we make certain that we have all of the information available that will be helpful to the public.
I think that where there is clearly a breaking of the law, a violation of the Criminal Code, there should be provision -- I believe there is provision in certain cases -- that members are removed from public office. The Parliament of Canada and the Legislature of Ontario have a bar that is a legal constitution of the Legislature which can deal with people in the Legislature who have perhaps not been as they should be.
I can recall, being a history teacher, that one of the people who was kicked out of this Legislature on a number of occasions was William Lyon Mackenzie. He was elected by his constituents and turfed out by the members of the Legislature, elected by his constituents and turfed out, largely because of the viewpoint that he held rather than anything else.
I recognize why this is coming forward. I recognize the importance of this issue. I said in a rather humorous way at the beginning that it was the mayor's race that we're talking about, but I also want to say to the member that I think it's an issue that we have to wrestle with as political parties, as a society, as the news media, everyone involved in the process, to see that we have the appropriate mechanism for electing candidates.
But coming down on whether one is going to be in favour of this or not, I see many dangers of special-interest groups, powerful and rich, being able to control members of Parliament, to threaten members of Parliament that if they don't vote one way on an issue or take a stand on an issue, they're going to be recalled. The member spends then a good deal of time fighting that action instead of appropriately dealing with the constituents' issues. Listen, if you go out there today, with the mood of the electorate and what people generally think of politicians, it's popular to be able to get at them all the time. Except I think that when people listen to the full debate on this kind of issue, most people, at least people of moderation, will come down on the side of the British parliamentary system as it is constituted, with very strong news media out there to call people to account and of course with a message to political parties and to individuals that people being presented for public office should be those of honest qualifications and those who are reputable in every possible way.
The Acting Speaker: Further debate? The official opposition still has almost five minutes. The Conservatives are almost out of time.
Mr Bradley: On that basis, I guess I'm going to be continuing. I was hoping my colleague the member for Renfrew North was going to be here to speak to this piece of legislation.
I think this is one piece of legislation which, if passed, would lead to some other Americanization of the Canadian system. I think if you're going to move to the American system, you have to adopt the entire American system. It's very difficult to have a hybrid.
We in this country and in this province have elected people for a certain period of time. If there's a need for a change -- for instance, if people believe there should be a fixed term -- that's a matter of a different debate and maybe a matter which would have some significant support. If people out there felt that petitions should have more importance or that we should have more referenda, depending on what the issues are, again that's another issue to be discussed and it may have some more considerable support than this particular one.
I look at people over the years who have taken some unpopular stands in this Legislature and I think under recall provisions, particularly strict recall provisions, could be removed from public office simply because the stand they took happened to be unpopular at a point in time, particularly when that stand is defending for instance the rights of a minority. I can think of members of the Legislature of all political parties who have taken certain stands that haven't been popular over the years. I could imagine they would be recalled by people who simply didn't like the political point of view they espoused, as opposed to the fact that a person had broken a law, that a person had been particularly disreputable.
Our system does allow, at the conclusion of a term, for the removal of people, and it does allow for the public to put pressure where there is considerable concern about the qualifications of a person or the manner in which a person is conducting herself or himself. There is a news medium out there which is extremely vigilant these days on this issue. Members of the Legislature themselves are vigilant on these issues as we discuss matters before the House.
Once again, I think it's important for us, when we're making our decisions, to talk about three or four different sections of people. First of all, there are obviously the so-called experts. You listen to the civil service and you listen to political staff when you're on the government side. But it's exceedingly important that we not simply spin a cocoon around ourselves in this Legislature and in the federal Parliament and simply talk to one another or talk to the so-called experts.
That's why I think it's important that governments listen to the government caucus, to members of that caucus. It's important for cabinet ministers to do that, to listen to members of the caucus who are out there talking to people on an ongoing basis, getting that input from people, so that we can make good judgements. This may shock some of the members of this Legislature, but not all of the wisdom in the province resides in this House or in the federal Parliament. I'm sure it won't shock the general population of this country or this province, but it doesn't. That's why it's important for us, through various means of outreach, to get those opinions.
That's why it's important as well that we maintain a good, solid standard of life in terms of representing people out there. People don't want crooks in local office or in provincial office or federal office. All of us have to be vigilant, whether it's within our own parties or other parties or for the municipal level, to watch for any signs of corruption. We have a police force out there that can investigate, that has conducted some investigations over the years and has made some prosecutions which have resulted in people being removed from public office, heavily fined, placed on probation or in some cases they've gone to jail.
We would support that, because as elected representatives, it's important to know that when one or two people are cast in this light, when one or two people are corrupt or crooked, then it reflects in a very unfortunate fashion on all elected representatives. That becomes, in the minds of many people, the norm, whereas I think most of us who have served in public office would say that the overwhelming number of people we have served with, regardless of their political affiliation, regardless of the stands they have taken on issues, have been reputable people, have been doing the best they possibly can under very difficult circumstances.
I commend the member for at least talking about this in the Legislature. I think it's important. I wish there were a mechanism that could solve what he wants to, but I don't think this is the mechanism.
The Acting Speaker: The member for Markham has three minutes and some seconds in conclusion.
Mr Cousens: First of all, I'd like to thank all members for participating in this discussion or debate of the issue that is very, very important to me and to many people here in Ontario. I appreciate the fact that you may not all agree with me, but at least we've had a chance to begin some formal discussion in this House.
I also want to thank members of our community who have been involved in this process: Richard Van Seeters, Ivy Persaud, Kathleen Freeman, Judith Suraski, who have also been very, very concerned about this whole issue for a long, long time.
Our community feels tremendously violated by the process and would like to find some way in which, for the future, we as a society have mechanisms in place that provide the checks and balances and the opportunity for people to open those doors.
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I think the concerns that have been raised by members of this House have to be addressed through the process that I've suggested. Let the legislative committee begin that dialogue and look for ways. The federal government is starting that now. It is something that we have seen across the States; we see it being considered in Canada at the federal level. Why could we not begin it here in this House? When I launch this effort, it's purely a matter of making democracy more available to more people.
Some of the issues that came out through the debate: Democracy is costly. The member for Sudbury brings up the high cost of the whole recall process. Let's deal with the cost. The costs are part of what democracy is all about, and I think we have to be prepared to pay for democracy. We haven't found a better way yet. There is a cost, and I think we, in our democracy, want to make sure that people continue to be involved in that democratic process.
I think the member for Leeds-Grenville brought up the point of referendum legislation. The people in Switzerland have an approach, far more than we, but we've got to get back to the people so that there's an ongoing dialogue between legislators and the public, not just by listening but also by really searching out their participation.
To the member for London South, I'll make this statement with regard to municipal politics: What's good for the goose is good for the gander. I think if we could begin this whole process, it would fall directly on to the municipal level as well. I would support that.
The member for York Mills talked about the cynicism of the political process. That is partly why my resolution today would begin to deal with that cynicism. You just have to come up to Markham and understand the level of frustration that people have. How else can they deal with it? The doors are all closed. I'm asking for a way of opening those doors at the federal level and the provincial level.
The member for Durham East is not prepared to look at any changes to the Westminster model. It isn't perfect. In eastern Europe, they're changing their constitutions on a far more regular basis. Why can't we begin to change our processes here at Queen's Park that allow for more participation by more people and provide for the checks and balances?
The member for St Catharines talks about American politics in Canada. Yes, that is part of the problem we all face, but no one has developed the perfect method for making democracy work. All I'm trying to do through this resolution is look for those checks and balances and find a way of getting people to own their Parliament all the time, not just every four or five years when there's an election.
The Acting Speaker: We will further deal with this motion at 12 noon.
OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH AND SAFETY AMENDMENT ACT, 1994 / LOI DE 1994 MODIFIANT LA LOI SUR LA SANTÉ ET LA SÉCURITÉ AU TRAVAIL
Mr Winninger moved second reading of the following bill:
Bill 157, An Act to amend the Occupational Health and Safety Act / Projet de loi 157, Loi modifiant la Loi sur la santé et la sécurité au travail.
The Acting Speaker (Mr Noble Villeneuve): The honourable member will have 10 minutes to initiate debate, after which all recognized parties in the Legislature will have up to 15 minutes to participate in the debate.
Mr David Winninger (London South): Bill 157 amends the Occupational Health and Safety Act to ensure that workers will continue to be paid if an employer shuts down all or part of the workplace because of a worker's refusal to work under unsafe conditions or pending correction of those conditions.
Mr Speaker, as you may know, over decades -- in fact, for a whole century and upwards -- occupational health and safety was regarded as being within the exclusive purview of the employer. It was part of management.
This all changed in the early 1970s. In the early 1970s, several miners went on strike at Elliot Lake protesting their unsafe working conditions and vowed not to return to the workplace until those unsafe working conditions were removed or corrected.
In direct response to the action by the miners at Elliot Lake, a Royal Commission on the Health and Safety of Workers in Mines was struck by the government of the day, with the support and assistance of the then Leader of the Opposition, Stephen Lewis. This royal commission was chaired by Dr James Ham, a professional engineer, and was established in response to the concerns expressed by those miners of Elliot Lake. As a result of the very important work done by Professor Ham, the first Employees' Health and Safety Act was passed in 1976, allowing workers the statutory right to refuse unsafe work for the first time and to accompany government inspectors throughout the plant, and allowing them the option of establishing health and safety committees jointly with management and the right to find out what hazardous substances were being used in the workplace.
The Occupational Health and Safety Act first came into force in 1979. Since then, amendments have been made from time to time, including the workplace hazardous materials information system, but the most important amendments came with Bill 208, passed in 1990.
The underlying principle of the Occupational Health and Safety Act is one that places joint or internal responsibility on management but also on labour, the workers, so a balance is struck in the government's role of enforcing compliance with the act and emphasis is placed on the cooperation of labour and management in removing unsafe working conditions. This role typically is carried out through the health and safety committees of each plant. However, where the internal voluntary system of responsibility doesn't work and breaks down, then a worker has the right under the act to refuse unsafe work.
What we have under Bill 208 is an enhancement of the powers and rights of workers and health and safety committees and inspectors, while at the same time increasing the statutory rights of employers. Certified members of the health and safety committees are given authority to issue stop-work directives and inspectors receive greater enforcement powers. So there is, as it were, a collaborative approach ideally to health and safety issues.
The consultation, as I said, occasionally breaks down. In some of these situations following inspections, fines are levied, fines of $25,000 in the case of individuals or $500,000 in the case of companies. But we know that enforcement alone does not solve all of the problems and that what you need is a multipronged strategy that includes education, prevention and, yes, enforcement.
The Workplace Health and Safety Agency, created in 1991, which is fairly autonomous but still reports to the Minister of Labour, has a number of important roles. It certifies members of the health and safety committees. It administers health and safety education. It oversees the activities of the occupational health and safety delivery organizations, accredits employers, promotes occupational health and safety and develops standards of performance.
But these three fundamental rights are still paramount under the Occupational Health and Safety Act: the right to know about workplace health and safety hazards; the right to participate in health and safety recommendations through joint health and safety committees; and finally, the right to refuse work that endangers health and safety.
During the hearings in 1990 on Bill 208, under the former Liberal government, there were several locals that came forward and said the bill should be amended to guarantee payment at all stages of work refusal. This was echoed by OPSEU, CUPE, the United Steelworkers and Canadian Paperworkers locals, just to name a few. The NDP in 1990 moved an amendment to Bill 208 to ensure that where there is no work for a worker when there's a refusal to work, the worker shall not be paid less than 100% of the worker's regular premium rate.
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That amendment unfortunately was defeated by the Liberal majority of the day. We do have a few collective agreements that cover worker in these situations. I need to be very precise on this point. The decisions coming out of the Ontario Labour Relations Board indicate that where a worker refuses unsafe work, he or she will likely be paid, but all of those other workers who are sent home on account of that work stoppage are not entitled to be paid unless there's a provision in the collective agreement. That's what Bill 157 is designed to address.
We have several documented cases that I've been informed of where the plant, due to shortage of a part or slow sales or a heavy repair inventory, will send workers home without pay while a health and safety refusal is resolved. However, if there is a need for high production and overtime, these health and safety concerns tend to be resolved very quickly.
In the absence of collective agreements covering these situations, Bill 157 would amend the act to ensure that workers will continue to be paid if an employer shuts down all or part of a workplace because of a worker's refusal to work in unsafe conditions or pending correction of those conditions. This gives the workers a meaningful right to refuse unsafe working conditions free of pressure from peer workers who may not get paid as a result of being sent home during a work stoppage.
Some may say, what if a worker refuses to work frivolously? We know the worker will be subject to discipline which would be upheld, I'm confident, by an arbitrator or by the labour relations board.
We've seen a decrease in the number of immediate job-related deaths over the last five years, and lost-time injury rates in the industrial sector have decreased over this same period. With a meaningful right to refuse conferred on a worker, to refuse unsafe working conditions free of peer pressure, I expect there will be fewer workplace accidents and deaths and fewer claims for workers' compensation once this legislation is enforced, which would nicely complement some of the initiatives recently announced by the Minister of Labour to reform our workers' compensation system.
I note that among the spectators in the members' gallery east are Joe Zsoldos, Bill Gilmore, Percy Nelson and Deb Graves of CAW 1520, and other people who have since arrived whom I've been unable to add to the list.
This bill has the support of the CAW provincial; it has the support of the Ontario Federation of Labour; it has, very importantly, the support of the president of Local 1520, Rick Witherspoon, who I don't think was able to make it today; it has the support of the London and District Labour Council and many locals all across the province, including the Steelworkers. So I'm pleased that this bill has this broad measure of support and I look forward to hearing other comments from my colleagues in the House.
The Acting Speaker: The honourable member will have two minutes in wrapup after the debate. Further debate.
Mr Steven W. Mahoney (Mississauga West): Perhaps I'll spend a little more time on some of the positions that our party took in the Bill 208 debate and on dealing with some of the issues in a recent report put out, referred to as Back to the Future, which is the result of an outreach tour that was conducted by myself, as the Labour critic, and our staff. I'll spend more time on that than I will in commenting on the member's speech, but there are a couple of things that I just cannot leave unsaid.
I find it fascinating to hear the debate from the members opposite, talking about the wonderful accomplishments that were arrived at through the implementation of Bill 208. With due respect to the member, I recognize that he was not in this place during that debate, nor were, I believe, any of the members who are currently here this morning. But it was quite a rancorous and acrimonious and difficult debate, with the NDP fighting every single aspect of Bill 208.
Of course, they've now taken the result of Bill 208, which is the health and safety agency, and turned it into one of the greatest boondoggles in the history of this province, putting their friends in charge of it, Mr Forder particularly, but others who have gone around and completely destroyed the principles that were put in place in Bill 208 that would have made health and safety training better in this province.
It's really very fascinating to hear the debate today when they reopen perhaps some of the wounds of Bill 208 and deal again with some of the issues surrounding frivolous shutdowns, parts not arriving on time, equipment breaking and the right to refuse work.
I would take the member and you, Mr Speaker, back to the debate and the concerns of both labour and management. One of the most important principles of Bill 208 was exactly what the member putting this bill forward has said, and that was to place emphasis on cooperation between management and labour.
The great fear, perhaps unfounded, of management was that with a unilateral right to shut down the workplace without any kind of consultation, a worker perhaps could use it for purposes other than health and safety: perhaps.
Interjections.
Mr Mahoney: Well, that was their fear. I'm not asking you to agree with it; I'm making a statement of reality, that this was their fear, that if someone were running to be shop steward, they could perhaps create an issue on the floor of the plant and use that for their purposes.
Interestingly enough, what was overlooked was that if they made a decision to shut it down, pay stopped for everybody involved, previous to 208. Interesting. The business community said, "We don't care. We think if there's enough political interference and manipulation" -- and we've all seen the kind of manipulating the NDP is capable of -- "they will take the workplace and turn it into a political forum for the gain of their philosophical bent," as you hear Bob White -- and it's very nice to see many members of the Canadian Labour Congress in the audience today -- standing up and saying, "We've got to fight the corporate agenda."
This nonsense has to stop in this country. We have to get labour and management working together again the way they used to and stop the political rhetoric. I don't care if Mr White wants to run to be the leader of the federal New Democratic Party. Why doesn't he have the guts to stand up and do it? Why doesn't he have the guts to stand up and face the electorate? That's what he should do. That's where he should be fighting his political battles.
Mr Derek Fletcher (Guelph): What has this got to do with it?
Mr Mahoney: This has a lot to do with it, because this is the same type of thing.
I just want to say that it's really, really important that we deal with issues that work in the workplace. What this bill is attempting to do is to tilt the playing field even more in the direction of the radicals such as Mr White and others in the labour movement. I find that regrettable. I wish members of this government could take some time to put forward private members' bills that would do something about getting the economy going again, that would create jobs, that would make health and safety work in this province, instead of the kind of nonsense that's going on under the leadership of Mr Forder and the agency.
I made a number of recommendations which I'd like to share with you. Just before I do that, let me go back to Bill 208. Bill 208 says, "A worker may refuse to work or do particular work where he or she has reason to believe" equipment or a machine could endanger himself or someone else, the physical condition of the workplace is not acceptable and could endanger himself or someone else, any equipment that he or others are using could endanger him or someone else -- I'm paraphrasing, but that's the principle.
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"Upon refusing to work or do particular work, the worker shall promptly report the circumstances of the refusal to the worker's employer or supervisor, who shall forthwith investigate the report in the presence of the worker, and, if there is such, in the presence of one of" a committee member, a health and safety representative, a worker who has particular knowledge or experience and has been selected by workers to represent them.
"An inspector shall investigate the refusal to work in the presence of the employer or a person representing the employer, the worker and, if there is such," a person as mentioned before.
"Pending the investigation and decision...the worker shall remain at a safe place near his or her workstation" during normal working hours etc. The employer may "assign the worker reasonable alternative work" if there is a problem, and subject to section 50, where an assignment has been made of reasonable alternative work, if it is not practicable to do that work, the employer may give other directions.
"A person shall be deemed to be at work and the person's employer shall pay him or her at the regular or premium rate, as may be proper," for the time spent during the investigation and for the time spent carrying out the duties under subsections (11) and (12).
The principle here was that when a worker finds a problem, whether it's a shop for the CAW or Steel or wherever it is in the province, they contact their supervisor and say: "We have a serious problem. We want this investigated immediately." The employer is to move immediately to conduct, along with the worker, those investigations, and they are to correct the problem.
The concern and fear that the business community has put forward, with some justification, frankly, has been that if a worker can simply decide they're going to try to shut down the particular segment of their operation and continue to get paid for doing so, there could be frivolous complaints laid from a worker about health and safety issues.
Why don't we deal with the issues here? Why don't we deal with better health and safety and make the employers and the workers work together for better health and safety?
I'd like to quote from the Outreach report, which recommends some 36 changes to the WCB, which of course is tied very directly into health and safety and into the principles behind this bill:
"During the Outreach consultations many small and large employers expressed frustration with the efforts of the Workplace Health and Safety Agency in the delivery of health and safety programs, primarily in the area of certification training."
The agency was created, as you know, in 1991, by changes to the Occupational Health and Safety Act. It was "to be responsible for the establishment of health and safety committees comprised of workers and employers in the delivery of certification training in Ontario workplaces.
"To date, the certification exercise has proven to be controversial at best and a disaster at worst. It has become increasingly evident that the responsibility for the delivery of health and safety programs must rest with the Workers' Compensation Board.
"Bill 208," referred to by the previous speaker, "was a Liberal initiative that established the creation of [this agency]. The agency oversaw the creation of joint workplace health and safety committees in the delivery of core certification training for Ontario workplaces. [It] has proven that bipartism has failed, and it will continue to fail as long as an adversarial component rests within the process. Many Ontario employers have expressed deep frustration with the degree of 'empire-building' that has become commonplace at the Workplace Health and Safety Agency."
This report makes a number of recommendations about how we can better deliver health and safety training, and that should be the goal of all of us, all of us in this place, in the workplace, in management, in organized labour. That should be our number one goal, because that is the way, ultimately, that we will make true reforms to the workers' compensation system work.
The first recommendation is that the agency "be reorganized into a separate department under the auspices of the Workers' Compensation Board, complete with a vice-president and staff...to ensure a stronger link between the delivery of health and safety programs and the prevention of workplace accidents."
The second recommendation is that "a bipartite occupational health and safety advisory committee" -- stress on the word "advisory" -- "be established to assist and advise the occupational health and safety department [of the WCB] in the analysis and implementation of health and safety programs. Members of the advisory committee will receive a per diem of $1 per day," which should take away the opportunity for this government or any other government to simply pay off their friends with $300- and $400-a-day jobs in health and safety.
Interjection: There's no money left. You spent it all.
Mr Mahoney: There is no money left, buddy, and you know it, because you've spent it all. You keep spending money you don't have.
The Acting Speaker: Interjections are out of order.
Mr Mahoney: The next recommendation -- you might be interested, you might learn something, but I doubt it -- is that "corporations that have training programs in place which satisfy the health and safety standards established by the proposed health and safety department be recognized and given credit for this training."
I had an interesting visit from some people from Inco, who said: "We have to send our workers to the worker centre in Hamilton, at an incredible cost, for three weeks of training, and we would classify the level of training delivered to them to be about grade 7 in educational terms. And for many years now," he said to me, "we at Inco have been running what we would classify as PhD health and safety training right in Sudbury. Why do we have to go to the worker centre in Hamilton?"
Well, you know the answer: because this is all about power. This is not about health and safety, this is not about reducing accidents. This is about political power of the NDP, using their friends in the labour movement to further their philosophy. If only you would stick to the issues that really matter, the issues of preventing accidents.
The next recommendation came as a result of offers that were put forward, that "the health and safety department seek out corporations and trade unions willing to provide specific training for small business at a cost pass-through basis." I think the trade labour movement should be actively involved in providing training right across this province --
Mr Hayes: Where have you been?
Mr Mahoney: I know they do now, and we should continue to do that through this kind of system. There are corporations that are willing to share their expertise and work with small and medium-sized businesses, who can't afford to take somebody off the job for three weeks and pay for some certification course and have them travel to Hamilton and stay in a hotel. I think we should be willing to accept the offer of those people to do that. That's one of the recommendations here, that they would "provide videos, literature and/or software...on a cost pass-through basis for health and safety training."
The final recommendation is that "the health and safety training provided by large and small employers, in addition to their accident experience record, be used in the setting and calculation of their rates."
Instead of dealing with an issue that was defeated by the former government and will be either defeated or repealed by the next government, why don't the members here deal with real reform to health and safety and do something about better training?
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Mrs Elizabeth Witmer (Waterloo North): I am going to join in the debate this morning concerning the bill that's been put forward by the member for London South. Obviously, what we're talking about today is the objective, which we would all agree with, to make our workplaces as safe as possible.
However, in this area of occupational health and safety we've seen a tremendous amount of controversy in recent years. We've seen a consultation process which has not considered the input of all the parties concerned. I personally am concerned and our party is very concerned about Bill 157, this Act to amend the Occupational Health and Safety Act, because again there has been absolutely no consultation with all the workplace partners. If we're going to make any changes whatsoever, it's absolutely essential that this consultation take place and that the views of all the partners are taken into consideration. Unfortunately, this entire issue has done nothing but create a very uncertain climate within this province and has given us some very negative publicity outside of the province as well.
I believe what is being done here is again a very deliberate attempt by the government in power to destroy the delicate balance of power we have always enjoyed in this province between labour and management. We have tried to ensure that all parties have been taken into consideration. However, we have seen this government now on the issue of Bill 40, on the issue of WCB reform, on the changes to the Workplace Health and Safety Agency. We see a constant shifting of power towards the union leaders, with a complete disregard for management and the employees.
What is happening is that this government continues to put its own political agenda ahead of the interests of the people of this province. I continue to believe, as does our party, that occupational health and safety issues should be cooperatively worked out at each work site. I am very opposed to the introduction of this bill, which again introduces an adversarial aspect into the process of resolving workplace health and safety issues.
I just want to share some of the concerns this morning. I've had an opportunity to survey some of the groups and companies that are going to be impacted by this legislation, and these are some of the comments I have received.
This is from the Employers' Advocacy Council:
"This bill is going to interfere with the collective bargaining process between workers and their employers.
"Many employers already have provisions in place to provide employees with alternative employment where there is concern about the safety of a particular operation.
"Introduction of this bill will encourage abuse of the unsafe-work stoppage rights that are contained in section 43. It will create a financial incentive for workers to refuse to do work until an investigation is completed," by the way, "a refusal that may be unfounded and will have absolutely no consequence to the worker. A worker could," if he or she chooses, "maliciously impose additional costs on the employer for circumstances that are unrelated to safety, where no unsafe work condition exist." That could happen as a result of the introduction of this Bill 157.
This bill, I can also tell you, "would be one more reason for business not to relocate or stay in Ontario," and this government has already given the business community sufficient reason not to stay here or expand its operations or to move into the province. We have effectively built a wall around this province, and unfortunately it's the people in this province who are suffering the consequences, because we just do not see the economic recovery and the new jobs that are happening throughout the rest of the Dominion of Canada.
In my own community, I have had in the past couple of years two companies not expand in Kitchener-Waterloo, but they're expanding in the southern United States. I can tell you it's because of legislation which destroys the balance between labour and management and tends to give all the power to the union leaders.
"This bill will continue to erode the ability of the employer to manage the workplace in a safe, effective and efficient manner," and it is, according to the Employers' Advocacy Council, "one more unnecessary intrusion into the workplace by government." That's another thing that's happening. The red tape, the regulation in this province is so great, imposes such a burden on the employer at the present time, that it is another reason for people to seek to go elsewhere, and as a result, our own people are losing their jobs.
This government seems to be totally unaware of the fact that the legislation it's introducing -- and this Bill 157 is just another piece -- is having a negative impact not only on people who are presently employed but on future jobs, jobs for our children and our grandchildren. They simply won't be here.
A good example yesterday was the reform of the WCB. The government totally refused to recognize, didn't acknowledge, that there's a financial problem at the WCB, and the supposed reform yesterday didn't address that problem one iota. There was no recognition that the unfunded liability stands at $11.5 billion. Again that legislation puts in jeopardy not only the benefits the injured workers enjoy today but any future benefits people might receive in the future.
I go ahead with another employer:
"We are concerned about the proposal in Bill 157 to oblige employers to pay workers in all situations where there is a work refusal. Our collective agreement provides for the ability to send workers home with pay under certain conditions, such as material shortages, inclement weather, equipment breakdowns, and where it has been determined that there are unsafe conditions.
"However, removal of any discretion would substantially alter the balance in the employment relationship and would allow the Occupational Health and Safety Act to be used more frequently in labour disputes."
I guess that's the key. That is the leverage this bill would give. It would be used not because of unsafe working practices; it would be used in labour disputes.
"The health and safety of our workforce is of paramount concern. We recognize and respect the right of workers to refuse work where there is imminent risk of harm. However, we experience work refusals reasonably frequently where the imminent risk is not apparent. Particularly in component facilities which produce parts on a just-in-time basis for assembly or in assembly plants where we are attempting to maximize output to meet market demand, the loss of production where the risk is not imminent is extremely expensive." Anyone who knows anything about just-in-time knows you've got to get your product out.
We also can see that the safety concerns are being recognized by management. They go on to say:
"Where a worker refuses work and the risk to health or safety is apparent, it is our practice to compensate all affected employees. However, where the risk is not apparent, the fact that a refusal might impact a large number of employees' compensation can be an effective motivator for the worker to seek alternative methods to resolve the issue."
Again there's opposition, because this Bill 157 can be abused and not used for the purpose for which it's intended, and that is to address the issue of unsafe working conditions. I think you will find that the majority of employers in this province are very committed to workplace safety.
Mr Larry O'Connor (Durham-York): Yes, and they did it all of their own free will.
The Acting Speaker: Order. The member for Waterloo North has the floor.
Mrs Witmer: Another comment:
"The present legislation, Bill 157, does not provide a balance between the employer and the employee in that it does not provide for sanctions in cases where employees frivolously exercise their rights to leverage their employer relative to other issues." Again you can see that Bill 157 destroys that delicate balance.
"In such cases, the employer and, where assembly line production is involved, other employees may be adversely affected by employees who abuse the rights provided for under the act. The employer loses the production units which otherwise would have been manufactured or assembled, while the employees may lose wages they could have earned in those situations where production operations have to be suspended while the dispute is adjudicated by the ministry inspectorate.
"The bill will increase the leverage which a union or an individual may apply upon an employer by essentially eliminating all consequences related to a frivolous refusal except those to the employer," who loses production.
"The bill conflicts with the widely accepted collective bargaining principle that the employer pays for hours worked and does not promise or guarantee that any particular number of hours worked will be available to the workforce.
"The bill does not provide for sanctions against employees who abuse their rights under the act." So again, there's no balance.
"The bill could obligate the employer to continue to pay wages in situations where operations are suspended, even when the reason for the refusal is determined to be unfounded." How unjust; unjust, unfair.
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Another comment here from a person opposed:
"There's a danger of work stoppages based on frivolous complaints about unsafe working conditions, and this bill will only make the frivolous complaints more obvious. Unions could make such complaints as a means of pressuring employers during collective bargaining discussions.
"Why is this bill even necessary? There is no widespread problem with regard to this issue and there is no need for such legislation. The current process has not caused unnecessary hardship for workers."
"What is Mr Winninger's interest in this issue?
"If it is to resolve a single instance in his own riding, perhaps the Ford plant in St Thomas, which I notice has an abnormally high number of work stoppages in comparison to all of the other Ford assembly plants. For example, in 1986, St Thomas had 138; the others had 45 and 59. If I take a look at 1993, the St Thomas plant had 229 incidents; the other plants had 33 and 30."
Maybe the suggestion that Mr Winninger has an instance in his own riding -- if he does, I would suggest to Mr Winninger that if there is an isolated occurrence, it's not necessary that you impose a law on all employers in this province. I would suggest to you that you should deal only with the issue in your own riding. Certainly if I look at the history from 1986 to 1993, that particular plant has an abysmal record as far as work stoppages are concerned, yet when we take a look at when the Ministry of Labour was called in, they were certainly not all justified. So there seems to be a particular problem within your own riding. I think we need to put that on the record as well.
In conclusion, I would just like to say that there is concern in this province about workplace health and safety. I think it's extremely unfortunate that there is such bitterness between the employers and the labour union leaders regarding workplace health and safety issues. I think there needs to be consultation. If there are genuine concerns, if there are genuine issues that need to be addressed, then I think we need to sit down at the table and we need to address them.
I can tell you, personally, I'm not seeing that happen. I'm seeing a very negative climate. I'm seeing a very adversarial climate. I find that personally very disappointing, because we need to all be concerned about workplace health and safety issues. We need to make sure that our workplaces are safe, but if we continue to name-call and if we continue to put legislation in place which creates a more adversarial climate, which continues to give power to one side or the other that isn't balanced, we are not going to be meeting the needs of the people in this province.
Mr Mike Cooper (Kitchener-Wilmot): I'd like at this time to thank the member for London South for bringing forward this timely piece of legislation. I know on April 28 I was back in my riding for the workers' day of mourning, and the two co-chairs from the Workplace Health and Safety Agency were there.
While the opposition are talking so negatively here, I notice that they're always so outraged when a murder happens out in the community. This is one of the things that was brought forward. If they could direct that same outrage every time a worker gets killed on the job, then we might finally get something. So while they talk about the fine balance here, this is something we have to do.
What I've been quite pleased about over the past two years is that there have been employer representatives at the workers' day of mourning, because they are buying into the certification training program and they are coming on side.
I think what we have to do is sort out where this legislation came from. I know in 1974, the Royal Commission on Health and Safety of Workers in Mines was established in response to concerns of miners in Elliot Lake, and as a result the Employees' Health and Safety Act was passed.
Last year I was up in Thunder Bay at the mine rescue competitions. At that time there was a delegation there from the Australian mine rescue team, and they said in the past 12 years they've had one fatality. This is excellent. I asked, "Well, how come?" They said, "Well, it's because of legislation." That's the one and only reason why the incidence of death and accidents is so low in Australia in the mines.
I'd like to commend the miners for continuing to raise this issue. I know we could solve some of the things that have been talked about by getting it into contracts. This doesn't address the unorganized, so legislation is the way to go, obviously by the delegation from Australia.
What I would hope is that this would be one of the few options that the Ministry of Labour would pick up when it is addressing the problems of the Occupational Health and Safety Act. What we have to do is protect the workers of Ontario. If we can get the people opposite, on their law-and-order agenda, to express the same outrage for injured workers as they do for the people working out in the community to get the big media, then maybe we could get something done.
Mr Pat Hayes (Essex-Kent): I'm very pleased to be able to get the opportunity to speak on Bill 157 and also compliment the member for London South for bringing this much-needed bill forward.
Many of the members here talked about the history of the Occupational Health and Safety Act, but I can tell you some of the history that they haven't spoken about. As a matter of fact, the member for Mississauga West talked about Bill 208 and going Back to the Future. Some of the comments that individual made -- and he's supposed to be the critic for Labour; he sounds like the critic against labour.
The critics for the Conservatives and Liberals both talk about the balance of power. Every time we talk about any kind of labour legislation -- be it Bill 40, giving workers the right to organize and to join a union, or improving on health and safety -- they're always so afraid that it's going to tilt the power and chase corporations out of this province. I just wish those people would have fought as hard against things like free trade, the GST and the inflated Canadian dollar, which chased the jobs out of this country over the years.
One of the things that bothers me is that these people -- and especially the member for Mississauga West when he criticizes and calls Bob White and others in the labour movement and my friends from the CAW over here -- and I am very proud to be a member of the CAW -- radical because they want to protect the health and safety and the lives of the people they represent in the workplace. That's totally ridiculous.
One of the problems is that when these people talk about the balance in power, it's very interesting that the member for Waterloo North gets up in this House and starts quoting on the number of work refusals in some of our plants in this province. But it's also very interesting that she doesn't talk about the numbers of injuries and illnesses and deaths that we have had simply because some employers have failed to take action and correct unsafe and unhealthy conditions.
One of the things about Bill 157 is the fact that if we don't have Bill 157, which the member for London South has introduced, it really undermines some of the other things that are in the Occupational Health and Safety Act. It's been a little while since I've worked in health and safety, so I can't quote all the acts in particular, but one of the sections states that a worker shall not be intimidated, coerced or threatened to be fired or fired, words of that nature, as long as they exercise their rights under the Occupational Health and Safety Act.
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But they are intimidated. They certainly are intimidated now, and sometimes they pit workers against workers, because one worker feels they have the right to refuse because of an unsafe condition and other workers get upset because they know that if the plant or that operation is shut down, they would not be paid. We have also had employers who abused our supplementary unemployment benefits system, for example, just so they wouldn't have to pay these workers who were refusing.
I don't know how much time I've got; I know there are three more speakers. Do you guys want to let me go on or do you want to -- two more? Okay.
I think this is really a fundamental right to workers, and the sad part here is that the opposition's biggest argument is about how it's going to affect the employers, how it's going to affect their production. It's quite obvious that those members feel that production comes ahead of the workers' health and safety, and it's really a shame to hear these kinds of things today. The member for Mississauga West was talking about Back to the Future. I can tell you, when I was a union rep in the plant and the government inspector used to come in, he'd turn his head the other way and wouldn't look into the union office for fear that he might have to talk to them to correct an unsafe condition. Is that what we call going back to the future? That's the kind of message that I'm receiving today from some of the opposition.
This bill is really long overdue, and I think at the same time, when people fear -- we talk about frivolous work refusal and all these kinds of things. I can say very proudly, as a member of the UAW and then later on the CAW, that we spoke to the workers and we educated our workers and told the workers: "You have the right to refuse. Use it but don't abuse it." That was done, but then on the other side there has been some abuse. I've been in situations where the supervisor would say: "Well, if you don't like it, I can't get that fixed. You refuse." Even that supervisor in some cases has been frustrated because his bosses wouldn't let him shut down the job to fix it and fix it properly.
I just hope that some of these people will change their minds over there and support this bill. It's what's needed.
Mr Randy R. Hope (Chatham-Kent): I find it very ironic, some of the comments that were made by the opposition on this bill, especially the member from Waterloo North who talked about the unbalance.
Let's put things in perspective here. The rights that workers have are only those rights that are entrenched in legislation. Anything that is not in legislation becomes the employer's total right. So when you read through the Employment Standards Act and the Occupational Health and Safety Act, if they don't clearly identify the employee, those are the only rights that they have. If it's not mentioned in legislation, it becomes totally the employer's right. So in order to put the balance in perspective, you have to put things in place to protect employees who work in workplaces for employers. That's called balancing the system out.
When I hear the Liberals talk about Back to the Future, I'm sure we can find their column in the fiction section where we'll probably find the Back to the Future movie ad. I listened to the member opposite talk about helping workers and everything else. I could go on on the length of this. You were right, Mr Mahoney; we were out there with coffins. We were presenting an issue to you, the Liberal government at that time, on Bill 208, which we needed to toughen the laws up in this province to protect people from being killed in workplaces. When I see your deputy leader stand up in this House and talk about killings that occur in communities, and especially in my own community, and when you mention the issue about a worker, you go silent on it. You never hear a word about incidents that occur.
When you talk about protection, it is in here. It is in this bill. When you allow individuals to start making decisions without being coerced in workplaces, you allow the worker the right to express his views without being intimidated. The only people who have true protection in workplaces are those with collective agreements. Those employees who do not have collective agreements are totally violated by their rights, because you refer to the Employment Standards Act, the Labour Relations Act and the Occupational Health and Safety Act. Those are the only rights workers have that are not covered by a collective agreement.
But when I sit here and listen and read about workplace shutdowns -- and I heard employers like Ford, GM, Chrysler, all those people in Windsor, make their big presentations on Bill 208, saying that all the unions are going to do is shut down everything -- let me tell you, unions in this province have made plants very productive. They have been very productive through the 1980s and still are productive today. That's why Ford and others continue to invest in the province of Ontario.
The important thing that we're trying to get across with this legislation, Bill 157, is to make sure that employees, whether they be affected in the workplace, have the right to make decisions based on safety. I think it's very important that a lot of employers neglect to identify that in order to have a safe workplace which reduces their workers' compensation -- and we hear employers yell about the cost -- they have to make sure that we have production down to put in place preventive programs. If they're not going to respect and have the obligation to put preventive maintenance programs in place, then we must make sure there's protection for employees who identify unsafe working conditions in their workplaces.
To the members opposite, I've listened with concern to the views that you express, but I must say, I'm going to be supporting this legislation. Mr Mahoney, I will look your document up in the fiction section to find out the fantasies that the Liberals have with their legislation.
Mr O'Connor: The member for London South brings in this piece of legislation that deals with people's rights. They're family members for a lot of us here, they're working people, people who roll up their sleeves and who have built the country.
I remember back in the early 1970s, when I was going to work in the summertime to pay my tuition to go to high school, working in a foundry in Oshawa. I remember working in that foundry, and half the people in that foundry had back braces. If the people had had the chance then to have some protection, to have refused to do that unsafe work, I wouldn't have seen all those back braces there.
We hear from the opposition that the employees are just going to frivolously go out there and shut down this and shut down that. It hasn't happened. It's about time that they got their heads up in the air, took a deep breath and found out that it just doesn't happen. The workers are out there. They know that they need to have a paycheque. They know that they're out there to help the employer.
Look at General Motors in Oshawa and the CAW. They're expanding again, and the reason is because there's a balance. The two of them are sitting down and they're working things out. But not every workplace in the province of Ontario has the ability to sit down and negotiate, because not all of them are in organized workplaces.
What do you do? You say: "That's okay, you can work in an unsafe condition. It doesn't matter about your fingers, your toes, your arms, your legs, your back." Is that okay? I say, no, it's not okay.
The members think that this is rhetoric. Let me tell you, go out there on the day of mourning and talk to some of those workers. Go out there and talk to some of them. Go out and see the ones who are coming up, who are walking on crutches, the ones who have got bandages and back braces and everything else. Talk to those people and ask them, "If you'd had a chance to refuse to do that work, would you have done that?" Of course they would have. The problem is, "You could do that, but we're going to take the pay right out of your pocket, we're going to take the mortgage payment away from you, we're going to take the groceries off the table for your family."
We've got our family, our brothers and sisters, our mothers, our children who are going to be out there in unsafe working conditions until some of this gets amended. The time has come, and I applaud the member for bringing forward this very important piece of legislation.
The Acting Speaker: The member for London South has two minutes in conclusion.
Mr Winninger: I certainly appreciate the impassioned and supportive comments from my colleagues from Kitchener-Wilmot, Essex-Kent, Chatham-Kent and Durham-York. I listened very carefully to what the member for Mississauga West had to say. He may have some constructive thoughts in his mind about how he would choose to reform the Workplace Health and Safety Agency, but quite frankly, to put down completely an agency that has operated in many difficult areas through consensus between labour and management and has already certified many, many employees and management representatives to go back and make their workplaces safer is beyond belief.
The member for Waterloo North stretches the bounds of credibility as well. She says, "This will create an adversarial working environment." When you remove workplace health and safety hazards, you tend to create a more cooperative and collaborative working environment. We already have a few examples of collective agreements that provide for what this bill is establishing. For the member for Waterloo North to suggest that this will bring business investment to its heels is totally ill-conceived.
In fact, Bill Van Gaal, president of Local 707 CAW representing 4,300 hourly workers of Ford, said in a letter to the Minister of Labour that production is needed for their current demand for Windstar vans -- they have over 100,000 on order -- and when there is a complaint about an unsafe working condition, action is taken virtually overnight to keep that production going.
This is good for business, it's good for jobs and, most important, it's good for workers and their continued health and safety.
The Acting Speaker: This completes the time allotted for ballot item number 58.
RECALL PROCESS
The Acting Speaker (Mr Noble Villeneuve): We will now revert back to ballot item number 57, Mr Cousens's private member's notice of motion number 41.
Are there any members opposed to a vote on that motion? If so, please rise. Seeing none, is the pleasure of the House that Mr Cousens's motion carry?
All those in favour, please say "aye."
All those opposed, please say "nay."
In my opinion the nays have it.
Call in the members; a five-minute bell.
The division bells rang from 1202 to 1207.
The Acting Speaker: All those in favour of Mr Cousens's motion, please rise and remain standing until identified by the clerk.
Ayes
Arnott, Cousens, Cunningham, Eves, Jackson, Johnson (Don Mills), Runciman, Sterling, Turnbull, Witmer.
The Acting Speaker: All those opposed to Mr Cousens's motion, please rise and remain standing until identified by the clerk.
Nays
Abel, Akande, Bisson, Carter, Charlton, Cleary, Cooper, Crozier, Eddy, Fawcett, Fletcher, Frankford, Haeck, Hansen, Harrington, Hayes, Hope, Huget, Johnson (Prince Edward-Lennox-South Hastings), Klopp, Kwinter, Lessard, MacKinnon, Mahoney, Malkowski, Martin, Mills, Morrow, Murdock (Sudbury), O'Connor, Owens, Perruzza, Rizzo, Sutherland, Wessenger, White, Wilson (Kingston and The Islands), Winninger, Wiseman, Wood.
The Acting Speaker: The ayes are 10; the nays are 40. I declare the motion lost.
OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH AND SAFETY AMENDMENT ACT, 1994 / LOI DE 1994 MODIFIANT LA LOI SUR LA SANTÉ ET LA SÉCURITÉ AU TRAVAIL
The Acting Speaker (Mr Noble Villeneuve): We now are dealing with ballot item number 58. Are any members opposed to a vote on ballot item number 58? If so, please stand.
It is second reading of Bill 157, private member's Occupational Health and Safety Amendment Act by Mr Winninger. Is it the pleasure of the House that the motion carry?
All those in favour, please say "aye."
All those opposed, please say "nay."
In my opinion, the ayes have it.
Call in the members; a five-minute bell.
The division bells rang from 1211 to 1216.
The Acting Speaker: Order, please. Members take their seats.
All those in favour of Mr Winninger's bill please rise and remain standing until identified by the clerk.
Ayes
Abel, Akande, Bisson, Carter, Charlton, Cooper, Fletcher, Frankford, Haeck, Hansen, Harrington, Hayes, Hope, Huget, Johnson (Prince Edward-Lennox-South Hastings), Klopp, Lessard, MacKinnon, Malkowski, Marchese, Martin, Mills, Morrow, Murdock (Sudbury), O'Connor, Owens, Perruzza, Rizzo, Sutherland, Wessenger, Wilson (Kingston and The Islands), Winninger, Wood.
The Acting Speaker: All those opposed to Mr Winninger's bill please rise and remain standing until identified by the clerk.
Nays
Arnott, Cleary, Cousens, Crozier, Cunningham, Eddy, Eves, Fawcett, Jackson, Kwinter, Mahoney, Miclash, Offer, Sorbara, Sterling, Witmer.
The Acting Speaker: The ayes are 33; the nays are 16. I declare the motion carried.
Shall the bill be ordered for third reading?
Mr David Winninger (London South): I would ask that the bill be referred to the standing committee on resources development.
The Acting Speaker: Is the majority in favour? We'll see if we have consensus. Those in favour of going to the standing committee on resources development, please stand. The majority is not in favour. The bill will therefore go to committee of the whole.
We have now completed the time allotted for private members' motions. I do now leave the chair and the House will reconvene at 1:30.
The House recessed from 1220 to 1330.
MEMBERS' STATEMENTS
MUNICIPAL BOUNDARIES
Mr James J. Bradley (St Catharines): On May 17, 1994, I appeared before the federal Electoral Boundaries Commission for Ontario to make a request that the proposed change to the electoral boundary of the federal constituency of St Catharines, which would remove that area bounded by Scott Street on the north, the abandoned CNR right of way on the west, the QEW on the south, the Welland Canal on the east and include that area in the federal constituency of Niagara Falls, not be recommended to the Parliament of Canada by the commission.
As the member of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario for St Catharines for almost 17 years, I have represented the area to which I have made reference and have worked with federal members who have represented the same territory and have been designated as member of Parliament for St Catharines. At no time during that period has the area in question been associated with Niagara Falls or Niagara-on-the-Lake as part of a federal or provincial constituency, nor has it been included in a municipal boundary that included Niagara Falls or Niagara-on-the-Lake.
As St Catharines has developed north of the QEW, the residents of the area under consideration have established and maintained close ties with the remainder of the community for purposes of education, recreation, commercial activity, transportation and social endeavours.
The utilization of the abandoned CNR right of way as a proposed western boundary of the area in question would be the utilization of an artificial boundary, whereas the Welland Canal would be a recognized, established and geographically significant boundary.
The city of St Catharines has made a submission to the commission; it has made reference to the geographic area to which I have referred. I endorse the comments of the city in this regard.
While I understand the difficulty and challenge associated with the task the commission has at hand, I believe that the people of the north end of St Catharines would be prepared to have a larger population within the federal electoral district of St Catharines than the adjacent federal electoral district of Niagara Falls if the area to which I have made reference were to remain within the federal electoral district of St Catharines.
ROYAL WEEK
Mr Cameron Jackson (Burlington South): The week immediately prior to Victoria Day is Royal Week, which is held annually to celebrate and increase awareness of Canada's heritage as a community living under the crown.
Canadians have derived great social, cultural and political benefits from their constitutional monarchy, such as the rule of law, parliamentary democracy and a society that unifies multicultural diversity within a framework of fairness and equity. We remember that it was this Parliament, under the leadership of Lieutenant Governor John Simcoe, that in 1793 abolished slavery in Upper Canada, 75 years ahead of the US.
The Monarchist League of Canada, of which I am proud to be an honorary life member, is holding a series of public events throughout Royal Week that culminates on Victoria Day, which celebrates the birthday of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, the Queen of Canada, as well as that of Queen Victoria, the mother of Canadian Confederation.
The Queen's birthday parade, the largest of its kind outside of Britain, will include more than 100 bands, historic and modern military units and ethnic groups, who will march up University Avenue at noon under the leadership of D-Day veteran Charles Martin, of course to be reviewed by His Honour the Lieutenant Governor of Ontario.
Royal Week is a time to celebrate what we owe to our Canadian identity through the monarchy. I call on Bob Rae once again to show his pride in that heritage by reinstating the name of the Queen into the police oath of service. I also urge the Liberal Party to do all it can to ensure that the federal Liberal Immigration ministry halts its attempt to remove the name of the Queen from the Canadian citizenship oath.
I wish all members in this House a happy Royal Week. God save the Queen.
MOTORCYCLES
Mr Ron Hansen (Lincoln): I rise to tell the House about an exciting event that will take place right here at Queen's Park at 1 pm on Sunday, June 5. There will be a rally of motorcycle riders from all over Ontario, riders who are fed up with being abused by the insurance industry. The rally is being sponsored by myself and the member for Kitchener-Wilmot.
As most of you have already heard, insurance companies are refusing to write policies for supersport bikes. The decision is based on models, not on driving records. Insurance companies that are offering coverage are in some cases doubling and tripling rates.
This has had a negative effect on motorcycle dealers. Most have not been able to sell their supersport bikes. As a result, hundreds of jobs are threatened at dealerships and in the motorcycle industry itself.
But the repercussions go even farther afield. According to a study by the Motorcycle and Moped Industry Council, the sale of 6,000 motorcycles each year has a $241-million impact on the provincial economy: $60 million spent purchasing the bikes, $32 million for parts and accessories, $23 million for lodging and meals for travelling riders and, get this, a whopping $40 million spent on insurance, and don't forget the $24 million in provincial taxes.
The council predicts that this year a full one third of sales will be lost, totalling $20 million. That's $66 million sucked out of the provincial economy and $5 million less in taxes. The insurance industry is claiming that it can't make money off riders. Well, that just isn't true. Is $40 million a drop in the bucket? I think not.
Once again, we're calling on the government to look into launching public motorcycle and snowmobile insurance. Why? Because the insurance industry doesn't seem to want to act in a fair and responsible manner.
I would ask all members of the House to attend this rally.
GREAT LAKES ALIVE
Mr Steven Offer (Mississauga North): Later this month TVOntario is launching a very important event entitled Great Lakes Alive, which aims to educate and provide greater opportunities for those living within the Great Lakes ecosystem to become involved in preserving and protecting our Great Lakes.
Great Lakes Alive will kick off with a special one-hour documentary on May 24 at 8 pm entitled The Great Experiment. This featured documentary examines how toxic contaminants have been introduced into the Great Lakes over the past few decades, their movement within the ecosystem through bioaccumulation and the risk that these chemicals now pose to humans as a result.
In addition to this, the event features the Great Lakes Challenge, an Ontario-wide call to action designed to increase awareness and provoke citizen response to the problems of Great Lakes pollution. Through this segment of the event, participants will be challenged to choose one of 10 action ideas, carry out that activity in the challenge week following the program broadcast and report back on their efforts to a special action response line on Sunday, June 5, which is World Environment Day.
Creating a water quality ethic among the citizens of the Great Lakes basin is the overall goal of the Great Lakes Challenge. This event is being undertaken in association with 12 PBS stations in the United States.
It is with pleasure that I rise today to commend the efforts of those who have invested so much time and energy into the planning of this important environmental awareness campaign throughout the Great Lakes basin. I am sure that my colleagues in this Legislature will join me in looking forward to this event next week.
G.A. WHEABLE CENTRE FOR ADULT EDUCATION
Mrs Dianne Cunningham (London North): On May 9 Mike Harris and I met with representatives from the G.A. Wheable Centre for Adult Education in London. The G.A. Wheable Centre for Adult Education is an all-adult secondary school that offers a unique selection of programs and support services designed for the adult learner: 25% of the students have young dependent children; 30% have older dependent children; 66% receive some type of government support payment; 60% are single or separated. More than 5,000 adult learners per year register at Wheable.
This year more than 450 graduates are applying for places in our universities and colleges. Just remarkable. The centre provides an adult atmosphere and the opportunity to take academic, business and technical courses which lead to further education and jobs. They provide services onsite, such as day care, counselling, a resource library and a career centre.
There are a number of success stories that have occurred as a result of students attending the Wheable centre to upgrade their skills. One in particular: A young mother who was receiving welfare benefits escaped the system by attending the Wheable centre seven or eight years ago. She is now running her own employment counselling business.
The Common Sense Revolution supports a program that allows people that are able to work or be retrained in return for their benefits. In the next few months, we will be asking charitable groups and other community organizations to meet with us and talk about ways in which this vision can be realized.
I would like to congratulate the staff at the Wheable centre for their hard work and dedication and thank them for a very informative and worthwhile meeting last Tuesday.
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POLICE SERVICES
Mr Mike Cooper (Kitchener-Wilmot): I rise today to inform the members of the Legislature of a community policing initiative taking place in Waterloo region.
As we all know, this is recognized as Police Week, and I would like to take this opportunity to commend all individuals involved in policing for their efforts in all of our communities.
Last week I had the opportunity to attend one of the Waterloo Regional Police services community meetings. Over the past several years the Waterloo Regional Police services have been building many new partnerships within the community. These partnerships include auxiliary police units, the Children's Safety Village, Citizens on Patrol, Crime Stoppers, the high school liaison program, neighbourhoods association liaison, Neighbourhood Watch, the student co-op education program, the task force on youth violence, the Toyota search and rescue team and police ventures.
Their mission statement is as follows: "The Waterloo Regional Police services is committed to a leadership role in crime prevention and law enforcement in a community partnership to improve safety and the quality of life for all people."
Their goals are to "promote an open and accountable partnership with the community for effective participation in determining how our community is policed; to achieve a safer community by developing, promoting and evaluating crime prevention, law enforcement and community programs; to continue to develop human resources and systems to ensure the availability of competent, qualified people representative of our community."
I want to take this opportunity to thank these individuals for their efforts. Just to prove it they're handing out a sheet which says robberies are down by 43%, breaking and entering is down by 18%, dangerous operation of motor vehicles is down by 46%. I'd like to commend them for their efforts in making our community safer.
LEADER OF THE THIRD PARTY
Mr Steven W. Mahoney (Mississauga West): All good things must come to an end, and we in the Liberal caucus are truly sad to see the American Revolution conclude. While we wish the revolution would continue, I know that for Conservatives this day could not have come soon enough.
Like Pearl Harbor, the American Revolution was a sneak attack on the ideals and beliefs of the Progressive Conservative Party. The Tory troops were shocked as the revolution was forced upon them with little or no warning. The red Tories never had a chance; their planes never left the ground.
Today the once-proud party of Bill Davis and Leslie Frost has faded away. From the ashes has emerged a pathetic attempt by Mike Harris and his new no-name party to run away from their past and hide their record. Like a political chameleon, Mike Harris has even tried to change his colours.
This failed experiment, the dream child of American consultant Mike Murphy, has again taken the Conservative Party's debt above the $3-million mark.
Even more disturbing for red Tories is that this foolish adventure has driven Mike Harris even farther to the right than many Conservatives thought possible.
Today there are more Conservatives who wish to start a bloodless coup than wish to join the American Revolution.
As we lower the flag on this revolution, I cannot help but reflect on what Mike Harris's American Revolution has accomplished. It shows that the only alternative to Bob Rae and the New Democrats is Lyn McLeod, the next Premier of this great province of Ontario.
MAYFIELD SECONDARY SCHOOL
Mr David Tilson (Dufferin-Peel): I stand in this House today to acknowledge the 25th anniversary of Mayfield Secondary School in Bolton. The school will be celebrating this event Friday, May 27, and Saturday, May 28. Reunion organizers have asked both current and former staff members and students to attend the grand reunion weekend where 25 years of Mayfield excellence will be remembered.
Located near the town of Bolton in my riding of Dufferin-Peel, Mayfield Secondary School has been a part of the academic tradition of this constituency since its opening in 1969. Throughout the school's 25-year history, Mayfield has also been very proud of the school spirit that administrators like principal David Craig, staff members and students have worked hard to cultivate and maintain. Such spirit is all too often a rare commodity in educational facilities today due to financial restraints that limit sport and club funding, as well as the social and attitudinal changes of recent years.
However, the fact that Mayfield staff and students have maintained a positive outlook has allowed for the cooperation of the school with the surrounding community. Such teamwork has yielded some unique projects that have benefited all those involved.
I would like to acknowledge the hard work of the reunion organizers as well as those former students who have successfully completed their secondary education at Mayfield in the past 25 years. I would also like to wish the current staff, students and administration well as they lead Mayfield Secondary School into the next quarter century. I hope they will continue the tradition of academic, sporting and attitudinal excellence that has characterized the school since its opening 25 years ago.
NORM JARY
Mr Derek Fletcher (Guelph): Recently, long-time Guelph broadcaster Norm Jary signed off Guelph's CJOY/Magic radio after 40 years on the air.
Norm delivered the news and sports to generations of city residents since 1954. He's been the voice of some of the biggest news events of the past four decades: Terry Fox, the FLQ crisis, Roberta Bondar and the election of this government in 1990.
I joined guests at a roast recently to pay tribute to Norm. One of the guests was CTV's national news anchor, Lloyd Robertson, who recalled his early days in radio, working with Norm in the early 1950s at CJCS in Stratford. Robertson credited Norm with launching his national broadcasting career.
Norm was the television voice of the New York Rangers hockey club in 1966 and he announced Bobby Hull's 51st goal of the season, which broke Maurice Richard's long-standing record of most goals in a season. CTV used Norm's play-by-play commentary of the Hull record-breaker to open and close a documentary on Hull. Recently, CNN used Norm's broadcasts again in a look back at the Chicago Stadium.
Politics is one of Norm's other interests. He has served on city council for 30 years, 15 as mayor, from 1970 to 1985. He's retired from broadcasting but not politics. I understand he will stand for re-election for his city council seat in the fall.
On his last day on the job, May 4, with three hours to go, Norm was still calling the play-by-play.
I'd like to join the residents of Guelph in saying thanks to Norm for bringing us little and great moments in history.
LEGISLATIVE PAGES
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): I invite all members of the House to show their appreciation for the excellent service which has been provided over the past few weeks by our pages. This is their last day of service to the House.
Applause.
ORAL QUESTIONS
ACCESSORY APARTMENTS
Mr Sean G. Conway (Renfrew North): My first question is to the Minister of Housing. Tragically we have had a third fatal fire in the region of Peel in just the past six months, another fire yesterday in Brampton, another situation where young kids were tragically trapped and killed in that fire.
We had, yesterday and today, the mayor of Brampton telling anyone who'd listen that the new Bill 120 does not solve the problem that he has and that has been pointed to by a number of municipal leaders, fire chiefs, coroners and others.
Minister, in light of the fact that we have yet more evidence that people -- unfortunately too large a group of kids -- are being put in dire jeopardy, and in these cases being killed, because local authorities do not have adequate information and adequate capacity to get at the problem of unregistered basement apartments in their communities, will you today commit, on behalf of your government, to bring forward or to support legislation that will produce the mandatory registration of basement apartments in every and all municipalities in the province?
Hon Evelyn Gigantes (Minister of Housing): The events that have happened over the last few months which have taken lives, and as the member notes very young lives, have brought home to all of us the terrible situation that exists in the province of Ontario which has been created over years in which it was illegal to have apartments in houses because of zoning. We have changed that. That does not solve the problem, as the member says and as we all recognize.
Once the bill has been proclaimed and the new fire code regulations that are attached to that legislation are put in place, we will have a situation in which the tenants in particular who are living in situations like that and are aware -- I don't know if the member watched television last night, but I saw one of the tenants of that building talk about her knowledge of the matters in the building which raised questions in her mind long before this incident happened. Tenants have been in a position where they have been afraid to call fire officials, afraid to call building inspectors, because they knew the apartments were illegal because of zoning.
The member is right that passage of a bill doesn't solve the problem. But I would like to ask the member: If we passed a piece of legislation saying to a landlord who had not taken these precautions, "You must be registered," does he believe that magically would solve the situation?
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Mr Conway: I watched the news last night, but maybe more importantly, I listened to the testimony offered to the standing committee around Bill 120. What I heard there was the Mississauga fire chief, Chief Hare, representatives of the Association of Municipalities of Ontario and coroners all say that more needed to be done and that the one thing we as a provincial Legislature and as a provincial government could do was to impose a mandatory registry of all basement apartments in the province so local authorities would know what they were and where they were and so local authorities could ensure that before those basement apartments were rented, they were brought up to standard.
In light of what the municipal association has said, in light of what the Ontario Association of Fire Chiefs has said, in light of what coroners have said about the first order of importance of a mandatory registry for basement apartments, will the minister, on behalf of the government, bring forward that policy or will she support a Liberal private bill to make a mandatory registry of all basement apartments in the province of Ontario the law of the land, and as quickly as we can do it?
Hon Ms Gigantes: I would like to ask the member to think this through. What we're all concerned about here is making sure the existing apartments, which have up until now been illegal, come forward into the light of day. I suggest to the member that the way that is going to happen is not through passage of some piece of legislation here which creates another state of illegality, which is the lack of registration, which is what he's proposing. In other words, what he's saying is they wouldn't be illegal because of zoning any more, but we'll make them illegal because they haven't registered yet.
Let me suggest to the member, if he thinks this through, that the penalties attached to the fire code regulations which are associated with this legislation are very stiff. What that means is that any landlord, be that the landlord of a building with 100 units or be that the landlord of a building with two units, has a legal responsibility to make sure the fire regulations are met. Tenants can now call and, because of their status under this legislation, make sure that this is done.
Mr Steven W. Mahoney (Mississauga West): I don't know how long we have to listen to the seemingly uncaring arrogance of this minister. I just can't get over it. Why won't you listen to the people on this matter? Why won't you listen?
The municipal councillors and mayors have begged you to deal with this, and you accuse them of supporting snob zoning. That's your flippant reaction to them. The fire chiefs have begged you to deal with this. Your own coroner wrote you a letter begging you, imploring you, to install a municipal registry so that the municipalities and the fire departments around this province could find out where these deathtraps exist and clean them up.
Why is it, Minister, that you think you, Evelyn Gigantes, have all the answers? Are you that arrogant? This is intolerable.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Order. Would the member take his seat, please. The member will know, first, that he should not refer to another member of the House by the person's name, but rather the title or position. Secondly, I know the member would prefer that the question be placed and not cloud the issue with language that is not helpful at all.
Mr Mahoney: Mr Speaker, I will withdraw the use of her personal name and refer to the minister being the one who is being arrogant in this regard.
Minister, I have a very simple, straightforward question. I will be introducing a private member's bill that, if passed, would put in place a central registry for every one of these basement apartments, for every one of these firetraps, these deathtraps, in this province. Will you support that private member's bill? I'll be introducing it later today.
Interjections.
The Speaker: With a serious issue before the House, I am sure that both sides would like to deal with the issue and not deal with language which is provocative and creates disorder. I would ask members on both sides of the House to try to deal simply with the issue at hand and to not use language that provokes either side.
Hon Ms Gigantes: The simple answer to the member's question is no, I would not support it. Let me explain why, if I might, Mr Speaker. In spite of the shouts from opposite, let me explain why.
Mr Mahoney: You're disgusting, you know that?
Hon Ms Gigantes: The member says I'm disgusting, Mr Speaker, but perhaps he'd like to listen to an explanation --
The Speaker: Order, the member for Mississauga West.
Hon Ms Gigantes: -- if he cares to listen.
Interjection.
Hon Ms Gigantes: He continues to call me disgusting, Mr Speaker, but I will proceed in any case and assume there's some element of goodwill over there.
The situation has been that we have had an underground economy which previous governments have refused to act on. We have acted on it in Bill 120. Apartments in houses will become legal if they are safe now. They will not be illegal because of zoning, and I do not wish to see a situation where they become illegal because of the lack of a registration. I want tenants in this province and responsible owners in this province who would like now to be able to take responsible motions, consult properly with fire officials and move forward to ensure that health and safety standards are met in basement apartments -- I want to see all those things happen, Mr Speaker.
We will work with the municipalities. The fire marshal's office has regulations that are being prepared now to go with the bill. When the bill is proclaimed, those will be in effect. This is going to be a slow process, but we know what direction it's headed in: It's in the right direction. Instead of hiding this problem and allowing people to die for years, we're addressing the problem.
ONTARIO HYDRO PROJECTS
Mr Sean G. Conway (Renfrew North): My second question today is for the Minister of Environment and Energy and it concerns the ongoing adventures of Chairman Mo and the Costa Rican rain forest.
Minister, you will know, as all members of the House will know, that Chairman Maurice Strong at Ontario Hydro remains unrevised and unrepentant about his Costa Rican adventure. He has in fact said that his interest in buying a piece of the Costa Rican rain forest is part of his "new Ontario Hydro."
My constituents in the Ottawa Valley were pleased to hear that your colleague the Minister of Economic Development and Trade thought it was cockamamy, that she was astounded and that she would hope the proposal would become a dead letter.
Minister, as the responsible cabinet officer for this policy field, I'd like you to tell the House and the Hydro ratepayers and the provincial taxpayers in Ontario what your views are about the efficacy and about the appropriateness of Ontario's electrical utility thinking about buying a piece of a rain forest in Central America.
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Hon Bud Wildman (Minister of Environment and Energy): The member opposite will know there has been no proposal made either to the Ontario Hydro board or to the government with regard to the purchase of rain forest in Central America. However, it is true that the corporation, in its concern for sustainable development, has explored a number of options internationally which would make it possible to ensure the corporation contributes to the efforts to contain global warming and to offset greenhouse gas emissions.
The member asked me directly what my view is. I would say that I have significant reservations about any such proposal in light of the financial situation of Ontario Hydro, which the chair of Ontario Hydro, who is a very competent and capable individual, has finally taken in hand, acting, unlike previous chairs and previous governments, to control the expenditures and to improve the economic situation of Ontario Hydro.
Mr Conway: It is true to say that not Adam Beck, not Bob Saunders, not Milan Nastich, no one that I'm aware of in the 75- or 80-year history of Ontario Hydro has ever before gone out and thought about buying a piece of a rain forest in Central America. That is true. Not even Marc Eliesen wanted to do that.
I want to say in my question that, speaking for the people I represent in the Ottawa Valley and the people in the Algoma district that the minister has proudly represented for a long time, we'll be happy to hear the Minister of Environment and Energy and we'll be happy to hear the Minister of Economic Development and Trade had reservations, and that in the case of the Minister of Economic Development and Trade, she was astounded that at this time, this corporation, Hydro, was out there actually spending time and some money thinking about buying a piece of the Central American rain forest.
Minister, would you tell my constituents in the Ottawa Valley, would you tell your good friends in Dubreuilville and Bruce Mines, why you and your colleague the Minister of Economic Development and Trade should not prevail? Will you not rein Chairman Mo back from the rain forest and focus more of his time and his energy on the several domestic problems that afflict the giant electrical utility?
Hon Mr Wildman: The member presumes to know what thought processes have crossed the minds of all chairs of Ontario Hydro since Sir Adam Beck. I don't presume to know those kinds of things.
I would tell you this: that it is Maurice Strong and the management of Ontario Hydro and this government that have done more to rein in the expenditures of that corporation than any other in the past, and I don't have to take any lectures about reining in Ontario Hydro or the chairman of that corporation from a member of a government that approved the finalization of a construction project that cost the ratepayers of this province $14 billion and was never needed.
Mr Conway: As my late friend Jim Bullbrook would say, "Help me understand." Help me understand and help the taxpayers of Ontario and the ratepayers of Ontario Hydro to understand this: that in the spring of 1994, as we face the rigours of an ongoing recession, the problems of a social contract, rural hospitals in your area and in mine that face problems in terms of providing services, an electrical utility that is shedding all kinds of people and facing all kinds of debt and all kinds of problems and pressures -- in light of that and all of the other things that clutter the domestic, Hydro and political agenda, does the minister not understand that in downtown Bruce Mines or in downtown Beachburg, Ontario, there is not something Kafkaesque, something hallucinogenic, about a senior Ontario official, the chairman of Ontario Hydro, wandering off into Central American rain forests and saying, "This I must have to meet the pressing needs of my electrical utility thousands of kilometres north there in Bob Rae's Ontario"?
Hon Mr Wildman: This is a bit of a tempest in a teapot. For one thing, there is no proposal. There has been no proposal to the Ontario Hydro board or to senior management. There has been no proposal to the government. There has been some thinking in Ontario Hydro about how it responds to global warming, which is a global problem and a problem that all utilities around the world must deal with.
There have been many options made available in terms of the thought processes, as the member referred to them, in Ontario Hydro, but they are very preliminary in any kind of thought processes. There is no proposal; there has been no proposal. This government has not taken a policy position which would allow for offsets for greenhouse gas emissions. So there is nothing to stop and nothing, at this stage, to be worried about.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): New question, third party.
Mr Chris Stockwell (Etobicoke West): I'd like to follow up on Mo and Bud's excellent adventure; that's the Minister of Energy. Let's just have a little chronology on the Costa Rican affair.
When it was first asked by myself, you said you didn't know what I was talking about, and that's probably as fair an answer then as we've had to date. Then you said outside the Legislature it wasn't in fact happening. Then you said it was happening, but it had nothing to do with Hydro. Then Hydro said yes, it was a Hydro project. Then Hydro said, "It's not 12,500 hectares; it's just a small piece of rain forest." Then the Costa Rican embassy said, "No, it is in fact 12,500 hectares they're looking to buy." Then Mr Strong said, "Everybody butt out; I'm in charge here."
Today, Mr Minister, I say to you that's not correct; you're in charge here. I say to you, what is in fact going on? If you are in charge and you don't agree with this project and Minister Lankin suggests that it is probably not the wisest expenditure of public dollars, why can you not stand in this House and tell the people of the province of Ontario, who I don't think unanimously support this project, that it won't happen? Why do we get rhetoric? Can't you just say to us: "Put this at rest. This purchase of Costa Rican rain forest for $10 million or $12 million will not take place under a Bud Wildman-led Energy government"?
Hon Mr Wildman: The member is quite right: I am the Minister of Energy. He is quite wrong in referring to this as a project. There is no such project.
Mr Stockwell: Okay, I'm going to have to fix the chronology here. I guess we're kind of back to you don't know what I'm talking about, because this project is taking place. According to Maurice Strong, yes; everyone has their head in the sand but Mo. I think if you're going to be part of this adventure, maybe you'd better get yourself briefed, because as I understand it, this project is happening.
As well, I might add, there appears to be another project taking place. This project is taking place in Malaysia. It was reported in the Ottawa Citizen today that Ontario Hydro is looking into construction of a giant dam in Malaysia.
Get this: Here we have a government that is looking to buy a rain forest in Costa Rica for environmental reasons. The same arm of this government is now looking to construct a dam in Malaysia and that dam in Malaysia would result in the destruction of thousands of acres of rain forest.
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Let me try and help you on this one. You're buying land in Costa Rica to preserve rain forest and you're involved in developing a site in Malaysia to destroy rain forest. Why don't you not get involved in the dam, don't buy the land in Costa Rica and we'll have as much rain forest as before you started?
Hon Mr Wildman: I understand that yesterday in the House, the member for Renfrew North requested that we provide a list of joint implementation projects around the world that Ontario Hydro International is involved in. We have requested Mr Strong, the chair of Ontario Hydro, to provide that information to us and to the member.
The member is correct that there is a proposal for a hydrological operation, a development in Malaysia. As I understand it, no final decisions have been made. As he well knows, it is within the mandate of Ontario Hydro International to market its expertise with regard to energy development around the world, but we fully expect that Ontario Hydro International, in making decisions on whether or not to participate in projects, will apply the same kind of environmental standards that would be applied here in Ontario.
Mr Stockwell: Can I take that to mean the Malaysian project will not go ahead because there's destruction of the rain forest involved? The answers are not as forthcoming as I would have expected, having waited two days for the minister to get back and the questions fobbed off by other ministers.
The question firstly was put about Costa Rica and the answer was, "It's not happening." It's happening in everybody's mind except the minister's, because Mr Maurice Strong has said categorically he's pursuing this matter and he's going to pursue it and others have their heads in the sand with respect to the ecological soundness of the deal.
The Malaysian project is in fact a construction project that Ontario Hydro is negotiating to participate in, a construction project -- not selling expertise; they're going to be involved in the construction of this dam.
The minister says no. I ask him to respond. That was outlined by Mr Strong yesterday as he exited the energy board hearings.
I say further, what we have here is a very public expenditure and a very public profile taking place about the purchase of rain forest property in Costa Rica. We also have as the head of Ontario Hydro a man who has personal involvement in Costa Rica as well and personal involvement as far as money is concerned.
I ask the minister, would it not seem reasonable to suggest to the chairman that when he's talking about spending millions of taxpayers' dollars in Costa Rica and he has personal investment in Costa Rica, there could be the perception of a conflict of interest? To ensure that there's no conflict of interest, would he not suggest to the chairman that he put his holdings in Costa Rica in a blind trust to ensure that there's no conflict of interest and to ensure that the public dollars that are spent are spent wisely and without the thought of a conflict of interest? I ask the minister directly.
Hon Mr Wildman: I must say that first, the member should be very careful in the way he presents questions in the House. To imply that somehow there is a conflict of interest involving Mr Strong, who is well known to have had holdings in Costa Rica for many years, is just unacceptable. There is no conflict of interest in the view of the government and the member should know that Ontario Hydro itself has very stringent rules with regard to conflict of interest and any further questions about this matter I would hope the member would place outside the House and directly to Mr Strong.
In response to the question about whether or not we --
Interjections.
The Speaker: Order.
Hon Mr Wildman: With regard to the operational decisions of Ontario Hydro, the members opposite know full well that Bill 118 does not make it incumbent upon the minister or the government to give operational directions to the corporation. That is the responsibility of the Ontario Hydro board.
As I understand it, the project that is alluded to by the member opposite regarding Malaysia will be dealt with in June by the Ontario Hydro board. At this time, no decision has been made with regard to Ontario Hydro's participation in that project. I reiterate, there is no project in Costa Rica. No proposal has been made to the board. No proposal has been made to the government. There is no project in Costa Rica.
ACCESSORY APARTMENTS
Mr David Johnson (Don Mills): My question is to the Solicitor General. It concerns the tragic fire in Brampton recently, it concerns the death of the two young brothers and it concerns the three fires and the six deaths in the last five months.
Minister, you know that in the province of Ontario there are over 100,000 basement apartments. Many of these are substandard and most of them have not been inspected. During the debate on Bill 120, we put forward suggestions such as registering the apartments and permitting an inspection, but you rejected those. We put forward suggestions of simply granting to the fire chiefs the right of entry to go in and to inspect and to make sure that these basement apartments were safe, and unfortunately you rejected that suggestion as well.
Minister, my question to you is, in light of this tragedy, will you give us a commitment that when the Fire Marshals Act is revised and comes forward, you will include in it provisions allowing the fire chiefs across the province of Ontario the right of entry to these basement apartments to inspect them and to make sure they're safe?
Hon David Christopherson (Solicitor General): I welcome the question from the honourable member. As has been stated in the House before, there was an expert panel of firefighting experts, including chiefs and others, under the leadership of the Ontario fire marshal. Their recommendations were the ones received by my ministry and the Ministry of Housing.
Let me say to the member very directly that it is the position of the Ontario fire marshal that indeed the provisions that are currently in law are adequate for the purposes that the member has brought forward here today.
Mr David Johnson: The minister has mentioned the Ontario Association of Fire Chiefs. Let me quote to the minister what they say. They made a presentation to us during Bill 120.
Sudbury's fire chief, Don McLean, spoke on their behalf just this past January. He said: "Bill 120 must contain provisions allowing local fire inspectors the right of entry to inspect such premises. At present most of these apartments have never been subjected to any form of fire or life safety inspection." He said they must have the right of entry. That's the fire chiefs of the province of Ontario.
Let me quote from the Brampton brief, and this is sad, Mr Minister, because the city of Brampton went on record this past January. Their brief said:
"By not permitting the municipality to regulate or enter accessory dwelling units, it will be very difficult for the municipality to inspect and monitor these units. This is a dangerous situation, since many of these units are created without the benefit of appropriate permits and many do not comply with the basic construction standards."
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Minister, they're asking for the right of entry -- the fire chiefs of Ontario, the city of Brampton, the cities across this province. I ask you once again, when the Fire Marshals Act comes forward, will you place in there the right of entry for the fire chiefs and the municipalities?
Hon Mr Christopherson: At the risk of turning this into duelling quotes, let me also read a quote from Ontario's top firefighting official, the fire marshal of Ontario. He said at the legislative committee --
Mr Cameron Jackson (Burlington South): He's a civil servant.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Order, the member for Burlington South.
Hon Mr Christopherson: Let me read the quote from the fire marshal at the legislative hearings that were conducted. "At this time, it is our opinion that the enforcement provisions of the Fire Marshals Act provide a reasonable balance between the need for access" and an individual's right to privacy.
The government listened to the advice of the fire marshal, we adhered to his advice and that is the course of action we are taking.
Mr David Johnson: I have discussed the Fire Marshals Act with fire chiefs in Ontario, from the city of Ottawa, the fire chief of the city of Ottawa, the city of Mississauga, the borough of East York and other municipalities as well. Let me tell you their problem.
Number one, they don't know where these apartments are, but beyond that, during routine home inspections, when they knock on the door and ask to gain entry, the only way they can gain entry is to obtain a search warrant unless they're expressly permitted to go in.
They are insistent about the Fire Marshals Act, and the advice that they're getting from the fire marshal's office and from the fire marshal himself is that unless there is a visible problem -- smoke billowing out a window, flames -- they do not have the right of entry. Let's be clear on that, Minister. They do not have the right to go in unless there is a very visible problem. All the fire chiefs are adamant. That is no balance.
Minister, how can you hide your head in the sand and reject all this advice from all the fire chiefs across the province of Ontario? Will you please reconsider? When you amend the Fire Marshals Act, give them the balance, yes, but allow them the right of entry to inspect and make these units safe.
Hon Mr Christopherson: Let's be very clear on what the honourable member is suggesting. He is suggesting that whether or not there is an imminent potential danger to property or persons, it is his opinion that someone, I grant you a fire official, would have warrantless entry into that home, would be able to walk through that door with legal impunity and march into someone's home. That is a very, very severe right that you give to someone when there is not a life at risk or serious property damage at risk.
If they did not have the ability, if they did see the smoke, if they believed that there was imminent danger, then I would say the honourable member was very correct in raising the issue. They already have that right. They also have the right, if there's not imminent danger, to go before a justice of the peace, make the case, get a warrant and then enter. But the idea that they would directly enter without that warrant and without imminent danger is a position rejected by the Ontario fire marshal and also rejected by this government.
PHOTO-RADAR
Mr Sean G. Conway (Renfrew North): A new question to the Minister of Finance: We're told by our friends in the media that unofficially summer begins this weekend, so hundreds of thousands, probably millions, of Ontarians will be taking to the highways of the province. Therefore, I think it timely to ask a revenue question of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The government is quick to point out that it has a no-tax-increase budget before the House, tabled by the chancellor just a few weeks ago, but in a budget briefing, his officials allowed as to how for a half-year, this year 1994, treasury expects to take 66 million new dollars from that technological wonder called photo-radar. In fact, the NDP chairman of the finance committee said a few weeks ago that he had heard about those numbers and he thought from a revenue point of view this photo-radar would be better than the slot machines you've got cranked up now in Windsor.
My question to the minister is: Since Ontarians are taking to the roads this weekend, since they know that the testing is to begin this spring and the actual fining is to start some time a little bit later this spring or early summer, will the Treasurer confirm that in fact you do expect to take in $66 million in the remaining part of this year and $130 million over a full year, or about $2 million a week, from this new revenue source?
Hon Floyd Laughren (Minister of Finance): I would confirm a couple of things to the member for Renfrew North. One is that when the Minister of Transportation initiated this safety initiative for the province, I remember being completely taken aback and surprised to learn that one of the coincidental byproducts of this project would be increased revenues for the treasury of the province.
I'm not sure that the amount of extra revenue that the member for Renfrew North refers to of $66 million is spot on what our projections are, but I can confirm to him that, yes, there will be some additional revenues from this safety initiative.
Mr Conway: Your officials said in the budget briefing that for a half-year, they expect $66 million. That would be $130 million over a full year of new revenue, picked from the pockets of Ontarians by a government that says it has a budget with no new taxes.
We have more and more literature from Calgary and from elsewhere which points out that photo-radar produces much fewer safety benefits than have been advertised. Oh, yes, it's clear from the literature this is a revenue matter much more than it is a safety question.
My supplementary quite frankly is either to the Treasurer or his colleague, the Minister of Transportation, who's probably gotten off his car phone to Brazil, and it's a timing question, since we are all flooding to the roads this weekend and this summer. When will this Rae-cam, Laughren-scam photo-radar actually start picking the pockets of Ontario citizens?
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Would the member complete his question, please.
Mr Conway: Can you give us a more precise timetable as to when this new, very technological revenue wonder is going to actually start picking our pockets?
Hon Mr Laughren: This safety initiative will begin in the very near future. It was my hope that it would commence within about 10 minutes after the member for Renfrew North leaves to drive home this weekend.
ANTI-RACISM ACTIVITIES
Mr Charles Harnick (Willowdale): My question is to the Minister of Education and Training. It was reported in today's Toronto Sun that a Peel regional elementary school teacher instructed her grade 4 students to paint swastikas on Easter eggs. Minister, would you explain to me what actions you've taken to investigate this matter?
Hon David S. Cooke (Minister of Education and Training): First of all, let me indicate to the member that none of us in the Legislature approve or condone any of this type of behaviour.
As the member will know, because this is not the first instance of things like this happening in our school system, there are policy frameworks that exist, and boards are expected to follow those policy frameworks.
I've read the article in the paper. I have some initial information from the ministry. Obviously, we want to see what is done at the local level, but beyond that, I need to get more information from my ministry.
1430
Mr Harnick: This is the second example of a teacher who has acted in an inappropriate manner in dealing with racially sensitive issues. I'm sure the minister recalls Paul Fromm. The parent of the child who brought this issue forward wonders if anything else hateful is being subtly said or taught. I would like to know what actions the government is taking to ensure that incidents of this type will stop and never occur again.
Hon Mr Cooke: The member will remember the very substantial action that was taken by my predecessor with respect to the Paul Fromm case and so forth. You will remember the process that was put in place. We have also in this Legislature passed an amendment to the Education Act, Bill 21, which gave the power to the Ministry of Education to have boards of education develop antiracism policies at the local level. We've developed the provincewide policies, and boards are working with those documents.
I don't think, to be entirely fair, that any Minister of Education or any other member of this place can say to you that there's an action we can take that will prevent any of these actions ever occurring again in a school system where there are two million students and 142,000 teachers. What we need to do is work together on policy development, education and tolerance in our school system. All of us, you and I, have a role to play in that.
FEDERAL HIGHWAY PROGRAM
Mr Bob Huget (Sarnia): My question is to the Minister of Finance. Minister, you're no doubt aware of the huge amount of spending this government is doing in terms of rebuilding roads in this province, making investments in infrastructure, not the least of which is in good highways and roads.
You'll also know that New Brunswick has proposed a national highways program. I was surprised to hear this morning the federal Minister of Transport, Doug Young, quoted on CBC Radio as saying that Ontario was responsible for blocking that national highways program. Is that true? If it is, why are we blocking it?
Hon Floyd Laughren (Minister of Finance): I was surprised to hear that report as well. New Brunswick had raised this issue at the last meeting of all finance ministers with the federal government in January and it's to be on the agenda again, I believe, at our next finance ministers' meeting in June, so I was surprised to hear it. If my memory serves me correctly, the federal Minister of Transport represents a constituency in New Brunswick. Perhaps that sheds some light on his public statements.
I must say that at that meeting in January a number of provinces expressed very serious concerns about the New Brunswick proposal, so it's ludicrous to think that Ontario would be the only one expressing concerns. I imagine that every single federal Liberal MP from Ontario will be talking to Mr Young this week about that particular proposal, because what it is is another form of the backdoor equalization payments which this federal government and the previous federal government have been doing to this province. We are going to stand up for Ontario's fair share in this regard.
Mr Huget: It's a day of surprises. I have another surprise for you. Mr Young was also quoted as having said that ever since Ontario started insisting on its fair share, this province has been making federal-provincial negotiations impossible. I can't follow the logic in that. Can you give me an accurate description of what's really going on here?
Hon Mr Laughren: I was disappointed by the federal minister's comments, because if there's one thing this province has been committed to -- not just this government, but previous governments as well -- it has been the principle of equalization all across this country. We remain committed to that.
What we are not committed to, and what we will not tolerate, is any federal government that tries to turn every single cost-sharing program into an equalization program. That we will not allow. I would hope that all the federal members of Parliament from Ontario will be saying to Mr Young at the next caucus meeting, "Enough is enough," because I'll tell you something. The amount under the New Brunswick proposal, which apparently Mr Young, the federal Minister of Transport, is endorsing, would provide to this province on a per capita basis about $263 worth of funding and I believe for New Brunswick in excess of $1,500 per capita. That is not what I call fair treatment for the people of this province, and we will continue to stand up and insist that Ontario gets its fair share out of this Confederation.
LANDFILL
Mr Steven Offer (Mississauga North): I have a question to the Minister of Environment and Energy. Minister, my question deals with the issue of leachate contamination through the operation of the Innisfil landfill site near Barrie. I've been contacted by the Hodgson family, who have indicated that they purchased property near the Innisfil landfill site in 1991 after receiving assurances from your ministry that the landfill site did not pose a threat to the environment or public health and safety.
Interestingly, as an aside, it has now been found that testing by your ministry in that same year revealed that the leachate was about to trespass on to the Hodgson property. A large plume of contaminated groundwater has now run from the site on to their property.
What actions are you prepared to immediately take to protect the health and safety of the innocent people from this leaking landfill site?
Hon Bud Wildman (Minister of Environment and Energy): The member raises a very important question, and I would indicate to him that I will research the issue and determine whether the facts are as he understands them. If they are, they are indeed very serious, and I can assure him that the ministry will take whatever responsible action is required to protect the health and safety of all individuals in the province. I would be happy to report back to him.
Mr Offer: I will look forward to the minister's report back to the Legislature in very short order.
Minister, you have an obligation, a responsibility to the area families, and to date you have done nothing. This toxic material is moving at 100 feet per year on to adjacent properties. The people who live around the Innisfil landfill site depend on wells for their drinking water. These wells draw their water from supplies that will soon be contaminated by the toxic materials that are being leaked by the Innisfil landfill site.
We require your assurance, your commitment today to the residents who live around the Innisfil landfill site that you will take all action necessary so that their drinking water will not become contaminated.
Hon Mr Wildman: I think I gave that assurance. But the member will know that in terms of the appropriate action, it is incumbent upon the ministry to determine who is responsible and to attempt to ensure that if there is danger and if a cleanup is required, the person or persons responsible take that action. On those few occasions where we cannot determine such responsibility, it is the ministry's position that the ministry will take the appropriate action, if required, and then try to recover the costs if afterwards we can determine who is indeed responsible.
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WORKERS' COMPENSATION
Mrs Elizabeth Witmer (Waterloo North): My question is for the Minister of Labour. Almost a year ago, the Premier requested that his labour-management advisory committee, the PLMAC, look into the mess at the WCB. In a report that was released last November, the business caucus of the PLMAC confirmed that the system is bankrupt and is set to collapse. They advised that the system is technically bankrupt and owes workers $11 billion more than it has money to pay them. The debt is growing at the rate of $2 million a day, and this will triple in the next 20 years. Without fundamental reform, there will not be enough money to pay injured workers unless the taxpayer of Ontario assumes the payments.
Can you explain why you ignored the recommendations of business to reduce the unfunded liability to zero by the year 2014? Why have you placed the future of workers' benefits at risk?
Hon Bob Mackenzie (Minister of Labour): I'm not sure the member across the way understands the situation at the board or what exactly we're doing.
The recommendations made in this House in the legislation yesterday are designed to come to grips with what is a financial problem, although I wouldn't say the board is broke, but certainly to come to grips with that particular problem and, at the same time, do it in a balanced way that looks at the concerns of injured workers as well. There are problems there, as well as with the unfunded liability at the board. That's exactly what we're doing, which is something her government never moved on in the years it was there.
Mrs Witmer: Minister, I believe you've missed the point. There is an $11.5-billion unfunded liability, and your government refuses to take action and it places injured workers and their benefits at extreme risk.
When the Premier spoke about the reforms last month, his business leaders, his hand-picked leaders, immediately denounced his plans. In fact, they went so far as to issue a press release distancing themselves from his efforts. Mr David Kerr, the president and CEO of Noranda, said: "This is fiscally irresponsible and it puts future security of benefits for injured workers at grave risks."
Your reforms, the ones introduced by the Premier and by yourself, do not recognize the depth of financial peril. Your suggestion that you're saving $18 billion is nonsense. Even your best estimates show that after 20 years the unfunded liability will actually increase by $13 billion. How can a $2-billion increase turn into an $18-billion saving? That's pure voodoo.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Could the member place a question, please?
Mrs Witmer: When your hand-picked business advisers told you the system was crumbling, that workers' benefits are at risk, why did you not listen? Why did you add an immediate $1.5 billion to the unfunded liability with benefit increases?
Hon Mr Mackenzie: We have made it very clear that the unfunded liability would be reduced by about $18 billion. The difference that the member across the way seems to miss altogether is that instead of the about 33% or 34% funding that exists now, it will be better than 55% by the year 2014, and that's part of the effort to come to grips with the unfunded liability.
I might also point out that the Friedland formula and the early return to work, which are the measures being used to assist in this case, are recommendations that were supported by management as well as labour.
ROLE OF INDEPENDENT MEMBERS
Mr Will Ferguson (Kitchener): My question is to the government House leader. The government House leader will know that some months ago a committee of this assembly met and looked at the role of the independent member in the Legislative Assembly of Ontario. Out of that committee meeting came a number of recommendations to the government, and not only the government House leader but also the House leaders of the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party. Contained within those recommendations was a report to you that suggested that the Speaker ought to be given, in a formal way, a little bit of latitude in letting independent members ask questions in the assembly, much the same as currently exists in the federal House.
I ask the government House leader today, Mr Speaker, when he expects that he and the House leaders of the other two parties will finally discuss the matter and make their recommendations to you.
Hon Brian A. Charlton (Government House Leader): It's a useful question the member asks. In the position he finds himself, I suppose it's also important that he understand, from the perspective of the three House leaders and the discussions we've had, where we're at.
Mr Speaker, as you're aware, this matter was discussed privately with you a little over a year ago, and the committee has done some work. The committee has not recommended anything substantially different from what we had informally worked out with you, and from that perspective it was the feeling of the three House leaders that we would watch the way that informal arrangement was handled here in the House to see if we felt that on the one hand the independent members and on the other hand the regular affiliated members of this Legislature were well served before making any final decisions about how to proceed -- that the informal arrangement we had with you should be viewed and understood.
SOCIAL ASSISTANCE REFORM
Mrs Yvonne O'Neill (Ottawa-Rideau): My question is for the Minister of Community and Social Services. Mr Minister, on Thursday, May 5, 1994, the very day the budget was presented, you sent me a letter stating, "I will not be proceeding to merge the existing provincial family benefits assistance and the general welfare system into one delivery system."
This fundamental cornerstone of assistance reform is a recommendation of your very own documents Back on Track and Time for Action. You yourself stated on July 8, 1993, as you launched Turning Point, that "the Ontario adult benefits will be simpler and less costly to administer than the benefits provided under the current system." You stated that "the current system is an expensive system." Minister, why did you choose what you yourself have described as the most expensive option, the do-nothing option?
Hon Tony Silipo (Minister of Community and Social Services): We've had occasions in this House many times to talk about what has been happening to this government as a result of actions by the federal government. As we've looked at what we had projected being able to do on the social assistance reform, we've had to look at that in the context of not only what the federal government has said to us it is going to do but also what it is clearly indicating it's not going to do in terms of providing us with the kind of funding it should. In looking at the initiatives we wanted to undertake, we've had to scale back on what we've managed to do.
We are going to be proceeding, as that letter also indicated, with Job Link, which will be a very significant set of initiatives that will assist people in moving off dependency on social assistance.
The basic answer about why we're not proceeding to move towards one system is that there would be some significant costs up front for us to do that, and we can't justify in these times spending those dollars to do that. We are, however, going to proceed with the initiatives we outlined in Turning Point under Job Link, and we hope the other initiatives, which we have not been able to move on now, are things that will continue to be addressed through the federal reform that is taking place. We are continuing to make our views very clearly known to the federal government in that process, as we've had occasion to discuss in this Legislature many times.
PETITIONS
KETTLE ISLAND BRIDGE
Mr Gilles E. Morin (Carleton East): I have a petition addressed to the Parliament of Ontario:
"Whereas the government of Ontario has representation on JACPAT (Joint Administrative Committee on Planning and Transportation for the National Capital Region); and
"Whereas JACPAT has received a consultants' report recommending a new bridge across the Ottawa River at Kettle Island which would link up to Highway 417, a provincial highway; and
"Whereas the city and regional councils of Ottawa, representing the wishes of citizens in the Ottawa region, have passed motions rejecting any new bridge within the city of Ottawa because such a bridge and its access roads would provide no benefits to Ottawa but would instead destroy existing neighbourhoods;
"We, the undersigned, petition the Parliament of Ontario as follows:
"To reject the designation of a new bridge corridor at Kettle Island or at any other location within the city of Ottawa core."
I will affix my signature to the petition.
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SEXUAL ORIENTATION
Mr David Tilson (Dufferin-Peel): I have a petition of 69 signatures from my riding of Dufferin-Peel and it's addressed to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:
"Whereas traditional family values that recognize marriage as a union between a man and a woman are under attack by Liberal MPP Tim Murphy in his private member's Bill 45; and
"Whereas this bill would recognize same-sex couples and extend to them all the same rights as heterosexual couples; and
"Whereas the bill was carried with the support of an NDP and Liberal majority but with no PC support in the second reading debate on June 24, 1993; and
"Whereas this bill is currently with the legislative committee on the administration of justice and is being readied for a quick passage in the Legislature; and
"Whereas the bill has not been fully examined for financial and societal implications" --
Interjections.
Mr Speaker, I can't even hear myself read this petition.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Order. Stop the clock please. This is the part of the routine proceedings for members to present petitions. If there are private conversations which are important, I would ask members to hold those private conversations outside the chamber.
Mr Tilson: Mr Speaker, I intend to read this petition again, because I don't think they heard what I said. It's addressed to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:
"Whereas traditional family values that recognize marriage as a union between a man and a woman are under attack by Liberal MPP Tim Murphy in his private member's Bill 45; and
"Whereas this bill would recognize same-sex couples and extend to them all the same rights as heterosexual couples; and
"Whereas the bill was carried with the support of an NDP and Liberal majority but with no PC support in the second reading debate on June 24, 1993; and
"Whereas this bill is currently" --
Mr Steven W. Mahoney (Mississauga West): On a point of order, Mr Speaker: During question period, you admonished me for referring to the Housing minister as Evelyn Gigantes. You stood up and said that it was improper to use members' names in this place. The member is doing the same thing with regard to our member in this situation. He's using his personal name instead of his riding. I would appreciate it if you would treat them in the same fashion as you treat us.
Mr Tilson: I'd like to speak on that point.
The Speaker: No. I appreciate the member's assistance, but it really isn't necessary. The rules are quite clear. Members are not to refer to other members of the House by their personal name. What they should do is to refer to members either by title or the name of the constituency. Quite frankly, that is often not adhered to. I would ask members to adhere to that rule. Had the member completed the reading of his petition?
Mr Tilson: Mr Speaker, I'm reading this petition that was submitted to me by 69 constituents in my riding. I'm reading it word for word.
Mr James J. Bradley (St Catharines): Who wrote it?
Mr Tilson: I did not write this petition. This was written by the constituents of my riding of Dufferin-Peel.
Interjections.
The Speaker: Would the member read the petition, please.
Mr Mahoney: It was written by Tory research and you know it.
Mr Tilson: It was not. It was written by the people of my riding of Dufferin-Peel.
The Speaker: Would the member take his seat.
Interjections.
The Speaker: No. The clock will continue to run. If members wish to have the opportunity to present petitions, the House must come to order. Would the member for Dufferin-Peel read the petition.
Mr Tilson: On a point of privilege, Mr Speaker: The member from -- wherever he's from --
Mr Mahoney: Mississauga West.
Mr Tilson: I have a number of people from my riding of Dufferin-Peel, and I'm specifically referring to A. Buckingham of Orangeville and Jason Knox of Orangeville. This member has impugned these people for submitting this petition in this Legislature. I am most annoyed and I think my privilege has been affected as a result of his standing in his place and accusing these people of doing improper things.
The Speaker: The member will know that there is no point of privilege. The best process to follow here is that members stand, read the petition and inform the House whether or not they wish to affix their own name to the petition. That's all that's required. No editorializing. Would the member please read the petition.
Mr Tilson: This is a petition addressed to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:
"Whereas traditional family values have recognized marriage as a union between a man and a woman" --
Mr Mahoney: Mr Speaker, on a point of order.
The Speaker: A point of order? What order?
Mr Mahoney: Mr Speaker, this petition has already been read. They continue to read the same petition with the identical wording from members all throughout the Tory caucus. It was written by Tory research and sent out to people to be signed and brought back in, and it's misleading.
Mr Ernie L. Eves (Parry Sound): A point of order, Mr Speaker.
The Speaker: I haven't finished with this point of order. The member for Mississauga West does not have a point of order. You may have a point of interest to someone, but you do not have a point of order. I ask --
Mr Mahoney: They don't have to read it three times.
The Speaker: Would the member please come to order.
Mr Mahoney: Why do they keep reading it three times?
The Speaker: The member for Parry Sound.
Mr Eves: With respect to the comment just made by the member for Mississauga West, which I presume is in Hansard, knowing him to be an honourable member, I'm sure that he would want to withdraw the inaccurate and false statement that he has just made to the Legislature. Unless he happens to work in PC services, I presume he has absolutely no personal knowledge, but he's been known to stretch the truth before, so I'm not surprised.
Mr Mahoney: Do you wish me to respond to that?
The Speaker: No. This is supposed to be a very straightforward, simple part of a routine proceeding, the presentation of petitions. After a member has read the petition, the table will determine whether or not the petition is in order. I need to hear the reading of the petition and the member needs an opportunity to be able to complete reading the petition. I would ask that he do so quickly, so that we can move on, and perhaps we'll have more than two members able to present petitions in the 15 minutes.
Mr Mahoney: A point of privilege, Mr Speaker.
The Speaker: I trust this is a serious matter.
Mr Mahoney: This is a very serious matter. The member for Parry Sound has accused me of stretching the truth. I would ask you, Mr Speaker, is that the same as accusing me of lying? If that's the case, I would ask him to withdraw. He made reference to my remarks about Tory research. The remarks that I would withdraw --
The Speaker: No. Both the member for Mississauga West and the member for Parry Sound are experienced members. They are both honourable members. I know they would prefer that we get on with the business of the House. The member for Dufferin-Peel, please.
Mr Tilson: I have a petition of 69 signatures from my riding of Dufferin-Peel and it's addressed to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario.
"Whereas the traditional family values that recognize marriage as a union between a man and a woman are under attack by Liberal MPP Tim Murphy in his private member's Bill 45; and
"Whereas this bill would recognize same-sex couples and extend to them all the same rights as heterosexual couples; and
"Whereas the bill was carried with the support of an NDP and Liberal majority but with no PC support in the second reading debate on June 24, 1993; and
"Whereas this bill is currently with the legislative committee on the administration of justice and is being readied for quick passage in the Legislature; and
"Whereas this bill has not been fully examined for financial and societal implications;
"We, the undersigned, petition the Ontario Legislature to stop this bill and future bills which would grant same-sex couples the right to marry and to consider its impact on families in Ontario."
I fully support this petition and I am signing it.
LEGISLATIVE PAGES
Mr Wayne Lessard (Windsor-Walkerville): I have a petition to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario and it states as follows:
"Whereas each year hundreds of grade 7 and 8 students from across Ontario make application to serve as pages in the Legislative Assembly of Ontario, pages like Marion Murphy from Windsor-Walkerville, and although many are called but few are chosen; and
"Whereas those who are chosen have only a slight idea of what they're getting themselves into; and
"Whereas pages end up spending long periods of time away from home, their family and friends and work long hours for lousy pay, they do make new friends and, overall, end up having a mega-cool time, an excellent adventure and learning a few things to boot;
"We, the undersigned, petition the government of Ontario to express its sincere thanks to those students who have dedicated the last four weeks of their lives, providing incredible assistance to members of provincial Parliament in the performance of their duties."
Although that isn't signed by all of my colleagues, I'm sure it expresses the sentiments of all members of the House.
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MENTAL HEALTH SERVICES
Mr Tony Ruprecht (Parkdale): I have a petition addressed to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario.
"We, the undersigned, beg leave to petition the Parliament of Ontario as follows:
"Whereas the NDP government is hell-bent on establishing a 20-bed forensic facility for the criminally insane at Queen Street Mental Health Centre; and
"Whereas the nearby community is already home to the highest number of ex-psychiatric patients and social service organizations in hundreds of licensed and unlicensed rooming houses, group homes, crisis care facilities in all of Canada; and
"Whereas there are many other neighbourhoods where the criminally insane could be assessed and treated; and
"Whereas no one was consulted -- not the local residents; not the business community; not leaders of community organizations; not education and child care providers; not even the NDP member of provincial Parliament for Fort York," Rosario Marchese, but since you said to cross his name out, I'm not going to read his name into the record.
"We, the undersigned, residents and business owners of our community would therefore urge" --
Interjections.
Mr Ruprecht: Mr Speaker, they're unable to hear me.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Could the member read the petition quickly?
Mr Ruprecht: Mr Speaker, I'm reading it as quickly as I can.
Interjections.
The Speaker: Member, please complete the petition.
Mr Steven Offer (Mississauga North): It's an important way in which constituents make their opinions known, even though the NDP doesn't listen to them.
The Speaker: Order.
Mr Offer: Just because you don't listen to these things doesn't mean they're not important.
Mr Ruprecht: Mr Speaker, maybe you'd like to present --
The Speaker: No. The member take his seat.
SEXUAL ORIENTATION
Mr W. Donald Cousens (Markham): "To the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:
"Whereas traditional family values that recognize marriage as a union between a man and a woman are under attack by Liberal MPP Tim Murphy in his private member's Bill 45 and Lyn McLeod, leader of the Liberal Party; and
"Whereas this bill would recognize same-sex couples and extend to them all the same rights as heterosexual couples; and
"Whereas the bill was carried with the support of an NDP and Liberal majority but with no PC support in the second reading debate on June 24, 1993; and" --
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Point of order, the member for Parkdale. Would the member for Markham please take his seat.
Mr Tony Ruprecht (Parkdale): On a point of order, Mr Speaker: I would appreciate it if you would give me one minute to complete my petition.
The Speaker: The member was given an opportunity. I asked him several times if he would read the petition and he did not do so. I have moved to the member for Markham who may continue reading the petition and please complete it.
Mr Cousens: "Whereas this bill is currently with the legislative committee on administration of justice and is being readied for quick passage in the Legislature; and
"Whereas this bill has not been fully examined for financial and societal implications,
"We, the undersigned, petition the Ontario Legislature to stop this bill and future bills which would grant same-sex couples the right to marry and to consider its impact on families in Ontario."
I have signed my name to that as well.
REPORTS BY COMMITTEES
STANDING COMMITTEE ON ESTIMATES
Mr Cameron Jackson (Burlington South): Pursuant to standing order 60(a), I beg leave to present a report from the standing committee on estimates for the estimates selected and not selected by the standing committee for consideration for the budget year 1994-95.
Senior Clerk Assistant and Clerk of Journals (Mr Alex McFedries): Mr Jackson from the standing committee on estimates presents the committee's report as follows:
Pursuant to standing order 59, your committee has selected the 1994-95 estimates of the following ministries and offices for consideration:
Ministry of the Solicitor General and Correctional Services, six hours;
Ministry of Health, nine hours;
Ministry of Transportation, six hours;
Ministry of Community and Social Services, nine hours;
Ministry of Northern Development and Mines, seven hours and 30 minutes;
Management Board of Cabinet, seven hours and 30 minutes;
Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs, six hours;
Ministry of Housing, nine hours;
Ministry of Environment and Energy, seven hours and 30 minutes;
Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Recreation, seven hours and 30 minutes;
Ministry of Economic Development and Trade, seven hours and 30 minutes;
Ministry of Natural Resources, seven hours and 30 minutes.
Pursuant to standing order 60, the estimates, 1994-95, of the following ministries and offices not selected for consideration are deemed passed by the committee and reported to the House in accordance with the terms of the standing order and deemed to be received and concurred in.
Ministry of the Attorney General: law officer of the crown, $269,695,457; ministry administration, $26,289,300; guardian and trustee services, $37,321,000; crown legal services, $98,765,000; legislative counsel services, $3,832,300; courts administration, $276,497,700; administrative tribunals, $30,792,200; special investigations unit, $1,936,700.
Cabinet Office: Cabinet Office, $5,409,200; Premier's councils, $4,284,400.
Ministry of Citizenship: ministry administration, $5,404,765; equity and access services, $37,438,300; ministry agencies, $38,606,000.
Ministry of Consumer and Commercial Relations: ministry administration, $24,735,857; business practices, $13,145,800; technical standards, $17,990,500; registration, $62,307,200; agencies, $43,001,000.
Ministry of Education and Training: ministry administration, $28,635,623; elementary, secondary, post-secondary and training support, $8,571,180,400; Jobs Ontario Training, $191,540,400; Royal Commission on Learning, $800,000.
Ministry of Finance: ministry administration, $54,377,407; office of the budget and taxation, $5,407,600; economic policy, $18,867,400; treasury board, $323,029,200; tax administration, $193,763,200; financial standards, $52,973,000; office of social contract adjudication, $1,247,900; property assessment, $112,127,000; public sector labour market and productivity commission and job security fund, $4,120,700; treasury, $7,945,000,000.
Office of Francophone Affairs: francophone affairs, $3,171,700.
Ministry of Intergovernmental Affairs: ministry administration, $2,313,008; federal and interprovincial relations, $4,935,100.
Ministry of Labour: ministry administration, $24,913,665; labour management services, $8,409,800; labour relations, $14,878,300; labour policy, $6,453,100; operations, $107,682,100; workers' compensation advisory program, $4,000; Pay Equity Commission, $5,901,500.
Office of the Lieutenant Governor: Office of the Lieutenant Governor, $633,000.
Ministry of Municipal Affairs: ministry administration, $8,172,507; municipal policy, $7,377,000; municipal operations, $750,237,800; Ontario municipal audit, $1,640,400; Ontario Municipal Board, $7,922,800; office for the greater Toronto area, $1,318,900; board of negotiation, $151,000; waterfront regeneration trust, $3,842,600.
Ontario Native Affairs Secretariat: Ontario Native Affairs Secretariat, $16,760,908.
Office of the Premier: Office of the Premier, $2,193,648.
Office responsible for women's issues: Office responsible for women's issues, $23,510,400.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Pursuant to standing order 60(b), the report of the committee is deemed to be received, and the estimates of the ministries and offices named therein as not being selected for consideration are deemed to be concurred in.
INTRODUCTION OF BILLS
LANDLORD AND TENANT AMENDMENT ACT, 1994 / LOI DE 1994 MODIFIANT LA LOI SUR LA LOCATION IMMOBILIÈRE
On motion by Mr Mahoney, the following bill was given first reading:
Bill 166, An Act to amend the Landlord and Tenant Act / Projet de loi 166, Loi modifiant la Loi sur la location immobilière.
Mr Steven W. Mahoney (Mississauga West): This bill requires the registration of accessory apartments with the municipality in which they are situated and allows a municipality to inspect such apartments prior to registration. A fine of up to $5,000 is provided for if a person rents out an accessory apartment that has not been properly registered.
EQUALITY RIGHTS STATUTE LAW AMENDMENT ACT, 1994 / LOI DE 1994 MODIFIANT DES LOIS EN CE QUI CONCERNE LES DROITS À L'ÉGALITÉ
On motion by Mrs Boyd, the following bill was introduced for first reading:
Bill 167, An Act to amend Ontario Statutes to provide for the equal treatment of persons in spousal relationships / Projet de loi 167, Loi modifiant des lois de l'Ontario afin de prévoir le traitement égal des personnes vivant dans une union entre conjoints.
The Speaker (Hon David Warner): Is it the pleasure of the House that the motion carry?
All those in favour will please say "aye."
All opposed will please say "nay."
In my opinion, the ayes have it.
Call in the members; a five-minute bell.
The division bells rang from 1512 to 1517.
The Speaker: Would all members please take their seats. Mrs Boyd moved first reading of a bill entitled An Act to amend Ontario Statutes to provide for the equal treatment of persons in spousal relationships.
All those in favour of Mrs Boyd's motion will please rise one by one.
Ayes
Akande, Allen, Bisson, Boyd, Buchanan, Carter, Charlton, Christopherson, Churley, Cooke, Coppen, Dadamo, Duignan, Fletcher, Frankford, Gigantes, Grier, Haeck, Hampton, Harrington, Hope, Huget, Johnson (Prince Edward-Lennox-South Hastings), Klopp, Kormos, Lankin, Laughren, Lessard, Mackenzie, MacKinnon, Malkowski, Marchese, Martel, Martin, Mathyssen, McClelland, Morrow, Murdock (Sudbury), Murphy, O'Connor, Owens, Philip (Etobicoke-Rexdale), Poirier, Poole, Pouliot, Silipo, Sutherland, Swarbrick, Ward, Wark-Martyn, Wessenger, Wildman, Wilson (Kingston and The Islands), Winninger, Wiseman, Wood, Ziemba.
The Speaker: All those opposed to Mrs Boyd's motion will please rise one by one.
Nays
Abel, Arnott, Bradley, Brown, Carr, Chiarelli, Cleary, Conway, Cooper, Cousens, Crozier, Cunningham, Daigeler, Eddy, Elston, Eves, Farnan, Fawcett, Ferguson, Grandmaître, Harnick, Harris, Hayes, Hodgson, Jackson, Johnson (Don Mills), Jordan, Kwinter, Mahoney, Mammoliti, Miclash, Mills, Morin, Murdoch (Grey-Owen Sound), Offer, O'Neill (Ottawa-Rideau), Perruzza, Pilkey, Rizzo, Runciman, Ruprecht, Sola, Sorbara, Sterling, Stockwell, Sullivan, Tilson, Turnbull, Villeneuve, White, Wilson (Simcoe West), Witmer.
Clerk of the House (Mr Claude L. DesRosiers): The ayes are 57; the nays, 52.
Interruption.
The Speaker: Clear the galleries.
The ayes being 57 and the nays being 52, I declare the motion carried.
Hon Marion Boyd (Attorney General): I am pleased to introduce legislation today that will continue Ontario's long, progressive tradition in the field of human rights. Over the last six decades, Ontario governments of all political persuasions have moved to protect fundamental human rights. It is now time to take the next logical step and provide basic human rights for persons of the same sex who choose to live together in conjugal relationships.
This legislation will ensure that all common-law couples, regardless of their sex, will enjoy equal rights in Ontario. Our legislation will not, however, change the special status in our traditions and laws regarding marriage, as marriage is a federal jurisdiction.
Tolerance, diversity, fairness and respect: These are the main themes of this legislation, and I hope these factors will ensure its speedy passage in this House.
ORDERS OF THE DAY
Hon Brian A. Charlton (Government House Leader): We'll be dealing first today with a number of the private bills. I'll have to call the order on each of them since we're not going to try and deal with them all.
CAPITOL THEATRE AND ARTS CENTRE (WINDSOR) ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Charlton, on behalf of Mr Dadamo, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr71, An Act respecting the Capitol Theatre and Arts Centre (Windsor).
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
CITY OF BURLINGTON ACT, 1994
On motion by Mrs Sullivan, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr83, An Act respecting the City of Burlington.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
TUBERATE HEAT TRANSFER LTD. ACT, 1994
On motion by Ms Haeck, on behalf of Mr Huget, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr86, An Act to revive Tuberate Heat Transfer Ltd.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
WORDZ PROCESSING CORPORATION LTD. ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Elston, on behalf of Mr Kwinter, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr90, An Act to revive Wordz Processing Corporation Ltd.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
NORTH TORONTO CHRISTIAN SCHOOL (INTERDENOMINATIONAL) ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Harnick, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr93, An Act to revive North Toronto Christian School (Interdenominational).
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
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ONTARIO SOUTHLAND RAILWAY INC ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Hope, on behalf of Mr North, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr100, An Act respecting Ontario Southland Railway Inc.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
NORTH TORONTO BUSINESS AND PROFESSIONAL WOMEN'S CLUB ACT, 1994
On motion by Ms Poole, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr104, An Act to revive North Toronto Business and Professional Women's Club.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
CITY OF BRAMPTON ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Elston, on behalf of Mr McClelland, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr107, An Act respecting the City of Brampton.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
COUNTY OF DUFFERIN ACT, 1994
On motion by Mr Tilson, the following bill was given second reading:
Bill Pr109, An Act respecting the County of Dufferin.
The bill was also given third reading on motion.
1994 ONTARIO BUDGET
Resuming the adjourned debate on the amendment to the amendment to the motion that this House approves in general the budgetary policy of the government (1994).
The Deputy Speaker (Mr Gilles E. Morin): I believe it was the third party.
Mr Tim Murphy (St George-St David): On a point of order, Mr Speaker: In light of the success of the government's same-sex equality rights bill on first reading, a bill which many in my riding have told me is the bill they would prefer to see go forward, I'm prepared to stand down my Bill 45. I'm prepared to withdraw it. In its stead, I am proud, as a private member, the member for St George-St David, to support and advocate for the government's equality rights --
The Deputy Speaker: Order, please. The member for York Mills.
Mr David Turnbull (York Mills): I'm pleased to join the budget debate. Let's just put this debate in some historical perspective. The only time that opposition members get to vote against the government in a vote of non-confidence is as follows: after a throne speech, after a budget speech, when there's a vote and when there is an opposition day of non-confidence, and other than that, if the government deems that a vote is an act of nonconfidence.
In fact, we have the very unusual situation that, since this government was elected, we have never had a vote on a budget in this province, which raises some very interesting problems for the Speaker in terms of ruling on this. I know that you have it before you for advisement at this moment and I believe this is proving to be a fairly knotty problem.
I will just go on record at the beginning of this debate as condemning the government for taking away the democratic right of the opposition to be able to vote on a budget. It is fundamental to our system of government. This government has decided to take this away as it has taken so many other things away which allow the opposition to express, as I've said in this House many times before, the opinion of the majority of the people in Ontario. I remind the government it legitimately has a majority government, I don't take that away from them, but the fact is they were elected on 37.8% of the popular vote. So the opposition parties are in fact representing the majority of the voters in this province.
To start discussing the specifics of the budget, let us first examine the whole question that confronts Canada and Ontario, and that is the question of debt overhang.
Ontario is now counted among Third World countries as a debtor. There was an article in the Globe and Mail recently which alluded to the Fraser Institute's spring publication. It's called Inside Canada's Government Debt Problem and the Way Out. In fact, there's a table produced by the Fraser Institute which lists the 64 most indebted nations of the world, and they have conveniently inserted the provinces of Canada and in fact Canada itself into this table. Ontario now noses out Canada in terms of its indebtedness as measured as a total government debt-to-GDP ratio. The number for Ontario is 84.9%.
I skip down this list and I look at where Mexico and Brazil are. Mexico is in 61st place, the most indebted being number one, which is Nicaragua. There's a whole host of nations, some of which I've never heard of before, they're such small places. They're expressing it strictly as debt proportionate to the GDP, because that is a more logical way of measuring debt than any other measurement, and Ontario, as I said, noses out Canada in 45th place. We're just beaten for the 44th position by Burundi.
Mr Chris Stockwell (Etobicoke West): Who?
Mr Turnbull: Burundi. I can't believe that we've got this province into that kind of state of affairs. Mexico is at 40.4% debt-to-GDP and Brazil at 28.6%. Both of those countries are in a significantly better position than Ontario. In point of fact, if I remember correctly, at the worst point of Mexico's debt crisis a few years ago, it was at 60% of total government debt as compared with gross domestic product, and we in Ontario are at 84.9%. One could hardly think of a greater condemnation of the affairs of a government than that.
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We now have the situation that Ontario is the largest international borrower in the world. We are actually, in the international markets, a larger borrower than Canada itself. Indeed, the ability to borrow on international markets is dependent on our credit rating and, of course, we have had numerous suggestions that because of the mismanagement of this government, we may be faced with a further downgrade.
So far, in the three previous budgets this government has presented, it has resulted in three downgrades in our credit rating. One more downgrade in our credit rating and we lose a whole host of potential lenders because they are not allowed to lend to people with that low a credit rating. Undoubtedly the cost of borrowing will go up by many millions of dollars, probably in the range of $50 million to $70 million.
We have the government which is borrowing about $1 billion a month to stay afloat. Let's have no doubt about it: When we borrow money to stay afloat, these are not avoidances of taxes; it's just delay of taxes. We are delaying the taxes so our children and their children will pay it.
You've heard me speaking on this very point in this House many times before, because it is my all-consuming concern that we drive our children away because we have so despoiled the affairs of this great province that they don't want to be here. We have such a marvellous province and we have so many natural advantages that we must not let debt snatch away the natural right of our children.
When we talk about borrowing $1 billion a month, we're talking about, with a population base of 10 million people, some $100 per man, woman and child that we're borrowing in this province per month to stay afloat. It's not fair because the average taxpayer in this province doesn't realize what you're doing. You've taken this province from a very prosperous province to a province which has severe financial problems. That we can be listed among Third World nations is distressing.
The budget document suggests that the government is doing marvellous things with employment. Yet I turn to page 51 of the budget document and the graph that is presented suggests that the government in the budget speech is in fact lying to us, because we have a forecast for jobs in 1994 of some 4.855 million, and I look back to 1990 and it was 4.937 million. In other words, we have fewer jobs today than we had in 1990 and yet the government is telling us how incredibly successful it has been at creating jobs. I think not.
The problem we face is a problem that all political parties must pull together on and try and offer suggestions as to how we solve it. Indeed, my party has suggested that we have solutions and I will be speaking more of that later.
In the meantime, I want to dwell on the fact that we have a government that not only has not come to terms with the debt it is creating but in fact is consciously hiding the debt. We have a government that is misstating the amount of money that it is creating as the deficit each year.
We know where they have moved their money: They've moved it into the capital corporations, which takes it off-book. The Provincial Auditor has stated that he disapproves of this practice. The suggestion by the government is that it's investing in capital expenditures, but in point of fact this government is reducing capital expenses. What they should be doing is reducing the operating side of the budget, not the capital expenses. This is where the government seeks to do its sleight of hand.
They're suggesting what they're doing with Jobs Ontario -- I would suggest that in point of fact that's just reallocated money. If you take money from this table and put it on that table you haven't created new money; all you've done is move it from one table to another. So we see that capital expenditures projected for 1994-95 are declining. The capital expenditures for 1994-95 are some $2.2 billion compared with last year's interim number of $2.6 billion and the year before some $3.592 billion. So much for their job creation program.
The real, telling story comes on page 115 of the budget. We look at the capital corporations and see -- it's amazing how the type gets a little bit smaller when you get to this -- that they have, for what they call non-budgetary loan-based, $1.6 billion. Well, some $598 million of that is for the Transportation Capital Corp. One has to assume that they haven't counted in any of the financing that they're now going to take unto themselves for building the 407. Indeed, we were sold a bill of goods that the government was going to have the private sector raising the money to build and to run the 407 and at the last minute, the government, under some very, very suspicious, smelly circumstances, suddenly had the government financing this deal.
Strangely enough, the group of unions that signed a deal with the winning consortium had a fund-raising event for the NDP some 10 days after they signed that agreement and, lo and behold, a memo went out from the head of one of those unions, saying: "Don't take no for an answer. Go out and get all the corporations to pay money." I can't imagine anything more unlikely than corporations wanting of their own volition to support this NDP government, which has destroyed so many jobs.
Indeed, they were induced to go out and that produced some $100,000 for the coffers of the NDP. Then, strangely enough, that consortium got the deal to build the road, which is the biggest contract that has ever been given on roads in North America, or so we are led to believe by the Premier's own statement.
There's quite an interesting article, and I read from the Globe and Mail dated May 10: "CBRS Puts Ontario on Credit Watch; Laughren Not Surprised as Other Agencies Review Rating Following Budget." It reads:
"Ontario Finance minister Floyd Laughren said he was not surprised Canadian Bond Rating Service Inc put Ontario on its credit watch list yesterday....
"The Montreal-based service placed Ontario's double-A debt rating on the watch list 'with negative implications' after Mr Laughren's budget last Thursday projected an $8.5-billion deficit in 1994-95....
"Eugene Williams, financial analyst at CBRS, said being on the credit watch list means Ontario's finances will be monitored more closely than before, but it does not inevitably lead to a downgrade.
"A lower credit rating indicates higher risk for investors, who would seek higher interest rates from the issuer of the bonds.
"Some institutional investors such as pension funds will not invest in securities below a certain rating." That's what I alluded to before.
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There's a very interesting comment here. "Mr Williams said CBRS placed Ontario on credit watch for four main reasons:
" -- A continuing high provincial deficit. 'We'd like to clarify whether it's an $8.5-billion deficit as outlined in the budget, or about $10 billion,' which would include about $1.6 billion in capital spending," which is what I've alluded to already.
" -- The growth in debt continues to exceed economic growth. The debt in fiscal 1995 is expected to rise by about 12.7%, while the economy is forecast to grow by between 4% and 5%.
" -- A significant growth in the size of the provincial debt as a proportion of economic output," and that was the figures that I read from the Fraser Institute before.
" -- The unemployment rate is projected to remain high this year and next." Indeed it is, looking at the government's own numbers. Yet anybody who sat in this chamber or watched the budget being presented by the Finance minister would have concluded that prosperity was breaking out everywhere and we were creating all kinds of jobs. It's simply not true. It is so misleading. I really believe we should get some element of truth into what is brought before this Legislature.
The government continues to insist that it's not hiding debt, and indeed it's right in a sense, because the credit rating agencies know what the debt it. But the average voter doesn't realize that we have now become a Third World nation in terms of our debt.
The Treasurer brought in what essentially was a stand-pat budget. He tinkered around a little bit. We're told there was about a 1% reduction in taxes overall. Let's put that in context: This is after some $4 billion worth of tax increases by this government.
I don't by any means blame this government for all the misfortune. They took over some terrible measures from the Liberals, and they also took over some very unfortunate sweeping-under-the-rug of debt. You will recall that we went into the last election being told we were going to have a surplus, but indeed we had a significant deficit. Part of that deficit was of the successor NDP government's own making -- it wasn't all what the Liberals created -- but a very substantial amount of it was created by the previous Liberal government. It is absolutely inconceivable that the Treasurer of the day did not know that existed, but we went into the election prematurely, much, I'm sure, to the Liberals' chagrin, and they were swept away because the people of Ontario saw through that ruse.
So the government that exists today inherited some enormous tax increases that the Liberals had brought in and bad fiscal policy. They had been spending much more than they were taking in. They had been through the best years this province has known in the last 50, but instead of remembering what John Maynard Keynes said, because I think most of the Liberals tend to lean towards Keynesian economics, that you spend during the lean years and you pay back in the good years, they didn't pay it back. They increased the debt substantially, by some $10 billion, in the best years we've ever had.
I fail to understand how anybody can get up and try to justify increasing debt and increasing taxes at the same time as you have almost uncontrolled increasing revenues, not just revenues from the increased taxes but as a fact of the economy growing in such enormous leaps and bounds that there were unanticipated transfers from the federal government that were helping the provincial government out.
Let's be very frank about it. We've had governments of all political stripes, at all levels, which have done the wrong thing. What we've now got to concentrate on is having governments do the right thing. The way to do that is by creating jobs, because in creating jobs -- real jobs, not government jobs -- we create hope, hope for our young people.
We must move towards balancing the budget. I'm not talking about balancing the operating budget, as both the Liberals and the NDP talk about, but of balancing the total budget. Indeed, that is what my party is proposing to do in our document which we call the Common Sense Revolution. This document is the product of some three years of consultation with people all across Ontario. It isn't something we hatched up in some smoke-filled back room. We listened to all kinds of groups. We listened to workers. We listened to chambers of commerce.
Mr Anthony Perruzza (Downsview): You should be ashamed.
Mr Turnbull: Mr Speaker, I'm just going to halt my debate for a moment and say that we have the member for Downsview across here, whose only contribution to this House is to sit here every single day and heckle. We all, from time to time, heckle, but I have never heard anything other than heckling and silly rhetoric from him. If he has something useful to contribute to this debate, I encourage him to join the debate.
Mr Perruzza: On a point of order, Mr Speaker: I thank the member for recognizing that I'm here and I'm listening to him. All I said --
The Deputy Speaker: Order. The member for Downsview, please take your seat.
Mr Turnbull: I think you will see, Mr Speaker, the contempt with which government members treat the thousands of Ontarians we have consulted with, because it's their ideas which are contained in this book. I was struck yesterday, when I met somebody I know quite well, who has always leaned towards the left and, by his own admission, has always -- and he's about my age -- either voted Liberal or NDP, and voted for the NDP in the last election. He came bouncing up to me and without a word from me, said: "Thank goodness somebody's doing something. I like what you're saying, because you are going to give working people some hope." We're doing that by reducing the taxes.
Let me talk specifically about the measures we intend to take. Just for fun, I thought I would compare it with what the Liberals have been saying they propose to do, because the Liberals came out with a document which is full of rhetoric. I'll let you be the judge of this.
We have a five-point plan. I will read our five-point plan and along with each point I will read what the Liberal plan is. Our plan is called the Common Sense Revolution, which we encourage everybody, of all political stripes, to get involved in. It shouldn't be a partisan business. It should be simply something where people of goodwill say, "Yes, let's get Ontario moving again. Let's create jobs and let's reduce debt so our children may have a decent future."
Point 1 of our plan is that over three years we will reduce the provincial income tax by 30%. Half the cut is going to come in the first year of office. That averages $4,000 in savings for an average, middle-class family over the three-year period, which will turn Ontario into the lowest-tax administration in Canada from one of the highest. That's opportunity, because we have seen that in all the countries of the world, of all political persuasions, where they have reduced taxes substantially -- I only have to point to such diverse countries as Sweden, Britain, Mexico, New Zealand -- they have seen a stimulation to employment and to the economy once they have reduced the very high tax rates. Indeed we have hit the tax wall. By making us the lowest-taxed province in Canada -- only by a smidgen over Alberta, but nevertheless, we will whisker them out in terms of being the lowest-taxed administration -- we will attract investment.
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The first point in the Liberal plan is, "A Bold New Course." Get commitment from Ontarians "to the benefits of embarking on this vision of a bold, new future." Sounds good, but what does it say? I really would like to see from the Liberals a substantive document where they are gutsy enough to say how they will address these things.
In fairness, just to contrast it, they call for a 1% tax cut per year over the five-year period, which coincidentally is exactly the amount by which the NDP has reduced taxes in this budget. In other words, the Liberals and the NDP are in sync on what they would do: They'd reduce taxes by 1% a year. I'm not sure if the NDP intends further tax cuts.
Number 2 of the Conservative plan is that we will reduce government spending in non-priority areas by 20%. That means we will reduce government spending by $3.605 billion in year one and reduce it by $6 billion after five years. I don't think you could be more specific than that.
How are we going to do it? We're going to reduce the number of politicians in this House. We're going to reduce the number of MPPs from 130 to 99. That's a controversial measure if you're an MPP, because you may see your seat disappearing, but we're bringing it into alignment with federal riding boundaries. That allows us to create savings and sends a very powerful message to school boards and to municipalities across this province that we expect no less from them, that they have got to be more frugal with the tax dollars.
We will reduce welfare payments, but we will only reduce it to the point where it is 10% higher than the average of all Canadian provinces. We at the moment are by far the highest in our payments for welfare: We pay 30% more than the average. We're saying we can't afford it, but we understand we cannot be cutting this on the backs of welfare recipients. We're bringing it down to 10% above the average, and on top of that, we will allow all of those welfare recipients to earn the difference by going out without the tax man getting his nasty little paws on that person, as he does now. The minute they step out the door and start earning, the tax man and the welfare man are after them and taking away their benefits.
We will reduce the number of government employees. We'll reduce them by some 15%. What do the Liberals say under their second point? "Letting the Economy Breathe." It will be "difficult and challenging," but it can solve the "heavy tax load and...complex regulatory and overlapping jurisdictional problems." Sounds great, once again, but that's pure rhetoric. There's absolutely no significant plan there.
We'll protect in our plan the spending on health care. We won't take any money away from health care, because unfortunately the Liberals and the NDP now have deteriorated our health care system. We will seal the envelope. We believe there is a significant saving, but we will reinvest it in the health care system so that once again Ontario enjoys one of the best health care systems in the world instead of having the dreadful spectre we have now of people queuing up for service to get such things as an MRI.
A young woman, a constituent of mine, approached me about two weeks ago. They had made the wrong MRI of her: She should have had a brain scan and instead they scanned her back. She was told, "You will have to wait another six weeks for an MRI." We were able to fix it, but we shouldn't have to do that. We should have a system which is responsive automatically.
We'll scrap Jobs Ontario and we're going to scrap subsidies to businesses, because businesses are going to have to stand on their own two feet. We cannot expect the middle classes to dole out tax dollars so that businesses get handouts, but we must reduce the taxes so there is an impetus for people to go out and create wealth.
We will eliminate the job creation barriers. We're going to abolish employer health tax for all small businesses with payrolls under $400,000.
The Acting Speaker (Ms Margaret H. Harrington): The member's time has expired. Now we have time for questions or comments to the member for York Mills.
Mr Robert V. Callahan (Brampton South): I heard the honourable member speaking of how deficits were created by the New Democratic Party government, and he also tried to tag the Liberal government with it.
I would like to point out to him that in the history of this province, the Liberal government, when it was in power, was the only government that ever had a balanced budget. Granted, there are people who would run around this province saying the second prediction was wrong, but it was wrong because the revenues were down from what was anticipated.
I also want to point out to my good friend that the accumulated deficit, which stood at about $50 billion at the time the NDP shot it up to $90 billion, where I think it is now, was actually through 42 years of government by the Progressive Conservative Party. He failed to mention that, and it's important that the taxpayers of this province understand that's how we got to this terrible, devastating position where almost every Ontarian, man, woman and child, is saddled with a debt of $8,500, and that is absolutely incredible.
I would hope that the member, in any future speeches on the budget, would remind the people of Ontario that the legacy of our accumulated debt is a direct legacy that was left to us by 42 years of governing by the Conservative Party. Perhaps that's the reason the Conservative Party is no longer governing, nor does it appear that in a future election it'll be given that opportunity.
Mr Perruzza: I want to take a couple of minutes and respond to some of the comments my good friend made.
He is right, I did react when he picked up his nonsense revolutionary book. They've been flashing this thing around here for a while now. They pick up this book and it's, I don't know, 10, 12, 13 pages -- I forget how many pages it is -- and in these 13 pages they say they condensed three years' worth of consultation on a wide range of subjects.
Well, only a fool would sum up the province of Ontario or the governance of the province of Ontario and try to do that in 13 pages, where they talk about massive cuts, 30% across the board --
The Acting Speaker: I would caution the member to try to use language which is worthy of his position in this House. I do not want any members calling any party or any members of the House a fool. Could you change your wording, please?
Mr Perruzza: Madam Speaker, can I have back the 30 seconds you just took away from my time? I only have two minutes in my responses.
The Acting Speaker: We will set the clock to one minute for you. Please continue.
Mr Perruzza: Thank you very much. I didn't refer to the member for York Mills. I said that only a fool, anywhere in Ontario, from the lake to the salt-water lake at the northernmost extreme of Ontario, would try to reduce all the issues associated with the government of Ontario in that amount of space in the way they've tried to do it.
Then when they did this, what did they do? They went out and hired somebody from the United States. They hired an American firm to do up a commercial to sell that kind of no-sense, nonsense propaganda wherein they talk about these cuts and all of these other things that, quite frankly, when you look at them, don't make a whole lot of sense. In fact, Donato of the Toronto Sun, a supporter of theirs, captures the spirit of their book in this cartoon.
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The Acting Speaker: The member's time has expired. Any further questions or comments?
Mr John Sola (Mississauga East): I'd like to compare the Common Sense Revolution, which the member for York Mills spoke about, to the Agenda for People, which the government came to power on. I'd like to suggest that there is a correlation to be made. The Agenda for People was a document of spending, whereas the Common Sense so-called Revolution is a document of cutbacks. To me, both smack a little bit of too much ideology.
For instance, it was NDP dogma that forced them to go on a spending spree despite the common knowledge and the fact that all the factors pointed to a situation where they had to tighten their belts. They spent money when they had no money to spend or, more accurately, when they had not enough money to spend. How else can you explain this mushrooming deficit?
I would like to caution the member for York Mills that overdoing the cutbacks due to strict adherence to a dogma or ideology may have the same sort of effect that strict adherence to ideology on the spending side by the NDP had. The NDP had the deficit mushroom. I think the Progressive Conservatives, if they strictly adhere to their program as announced, may get the recession to -- I don't know what you would say -- mushroom or get even deeper than it is. If we need anything today, it is jobs, and I think further cutbacks, especially at such an increased rate, would lead in the other direction.
The Acting Speaker: We have time for one more question or comment. Seeing none, the member from York Mills has two minutes to respond.
Mr Turnbull: Very quickly, for the member for Brampton South, he will recall that the one year they showed a surplus, it was some $90 million. They had budgeted that year a deficit of $550 million. They got an unusual transfer from the feds at that time of $888 million which was not anticipated. Simple math tells you that under that circumstance, taking $550 million away from $880 million, they should have had a $338-million surplus. Instead, they showed $90 million. In other words, they'd have been even deeper in the hole had they not been bailed out by the feds.
To the member for Downsview, he speaks about us hiring US consultants. There were two people on a team of 19. It was given to a Canadian company, unlike your friends in the government who have got in US consultants to run the casino totally. We're not talking about two people; we're talking about the company that is operating it that is US. You've got US consultants to advise you on the 407. In addition to that, you have the interesting situation that you sold the GO Transit rolling stock to a US group and the deal was closed in the Bahamas for tax purposes so as to avoid taxes, my friend. That's what you've sunk to. Don't give me any nonsense about the fact that two of the people on the team were Americans.
Mr Perruzza: There's no commitment to jobs there.
Mr Turnbull: There were 19 people, my friend, who worked on that. They were jobs for Canadians, jobs for Ontarians.
Interjection: Buffalo?
The Acting Speaker: Order.
Mr Turnbull: This is all they can do.
As for the member for Mississauga East, I would just point out the fact that in the Globe and Mail on May 12, Peter Cooke said, "Given the lack of alternatives, our politics may" --
The Acting Speaker: The member's time has expired. Further debate? The member from York-Durham.
Mr Larry O'Connor (Durham-York): Thank you, Madam Speaker. We go alphabetical. Durham-York is the name of the riding.
I'm glad to be standing here today and participating in this budget debate, the debate of course that comes from the budget that was presented to this Legislature on May 5.
The interesting thing is that quite often when you get into the debate around a budget, a lot of rhetoric takes place and everyone says how bad everybody is. I don't want to talk about that. What I want to talk about is some of the positive things that have happened in this NDP government. Let's try to keep things on a light note.
The fact of the matter is, $3.8 billion, which is $300 million more than last year, will be spent on capital investment. We can all go back to our ridings and we all participate in the wonderful ribbon-cutting ceremonies. In fact, tonight I'm going to a school that's opening up. It's because of a commitment from not only this government but other governments before us, but which this government today, in these difficult times, continues to do.
I'd like to point out that it was a cool night, October 27 last year, when I was at another school opening, one out in Keswick. It was a nice occasion, because a brand-new school being opened up for the community there is always something that adds to the community. Tonight I look forward to doing the same thing in East Gwillimbury with the new school opening up there. I think it's really nice. I'm going to enjoy going to Good Shepherd.
What we don't hear about quite often is jobs being created and the good things. Madam Speaker, I want to tell you about another opportunity I had back last month, in April. I had an opportunity to go to Fiber Optics Engineering Systems. It's over in Mississauga, and I had an opportunity to go over there. It's a very small operation, fewer than 100 employees. They've grown, and 90% of their business is outside the country. They've chosen to invest right here in Ontario. They chose to invest here in Ontario.
They're growing. It was a new space they were moving into. They were expanding. The reason they were expanding partially was because of Jobs Ontario. They realized, as the government realized, that you need new employees. There's a little bit of cost to that. The government recognizes that, and we've gone out and established a Jobs Ontario Training fund. They're using that fund, and they're growing. We don't hear about the growth in the economy from the opposite side. It is something that we don't talk about.
You have to give Mr Laughren a pat on the back, because the fact of the matter is that when he introduced the budget, he included something a little bit different. He included this time around a levelling point where the employer health tax isn't going to be put on new employees. So he recognized that small businesses, the business community, are going to add to this recovery that everyone knows is happening. It's going to add to that recovery and give them some incentive.
Governments quite often don't get credit when they reduce the costs of running things. They get criticized because, "Oh, you're cutting this, you're cutting that." But the fact of the matter is that two years in a row the operating cost to the province of Ontario has come down. Madam Speaker, I want to tell you that in 1942 -- I guess my dad was born then; I was going to say before my dad was even born, but I think he probably was about seven or eight at the time. But back in 1942 was the first time that had ever happened. Two years in a row now it's happened. We don't hear about that. In fact, the deficit itself in the past two years has been reduced by 30%, and it hasn't been easy. I want to tell you, Madam Speaker, it hasn't been easy.
I get the calls, we all get the calls: "Why are you picking on me? Why are you cutting here? Why don't you spend some more money here?" It's easier to say, "Yes, here's a cheque," and this is wonderful, but the fact is, we've had to go through a tremendously difficult time, and by approaching this and taking a look at services that are needed for people, we've done it in a fair way.
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We've got a plan. It's working. The fact of the matter is, the Conference Board of Canada report that came out just May 5 of this year, I believe, said that consumer confidence is as high as it's been in Ontario in five years. We haven't been in government that long. Five years: that's incredible. You have to take a look at that, because that's part of the commitment this government has made to preserving jobs, to making sure the government of Ontario --
Mr Gregory S. Sorbara (York Centre): On a point of order, Madam Speaker: It's not all that good a speech, but I think there ought to be a quorum to hear it.
The Acting Speaker: A quorum is not present. Call in the members. This is up to a five-minute bell.
Interjection.
The Acting Speaker: The clerk would like to determine if a quorum is present.
Clerk Assistant and Clerk of Committees (Ms Deborah Deller): A quorum is not present, Speaker.
The Acting Speaker ordered the bells rung.
Clerk Assistant and Clerk of Committees: A quorum is now present, Speaker.
The Acting Speaker: The member for Durham-York may now complete his remarks.
Mr O'Connor: I hope I have an opportunity to complete them. It's unfortunate that you'll get a member like the member for York Centre, who isn't here for the debate and doesn't participate very often, who will show up for a moment just to interrupt like that. It's rather unfortunate. I guess it's a lack of class and it's disgruntlement from that member from being an opposition member. I'm sorry he's not a government member any more; that's unfortunate.
The Acting Speaker: Order. Please address the bill.
Mr O'Connor: Let me get back to my speech, because I like to try to keep things high, and though that member doesn't appreciate that, and that's unfortunate, that's the way they go.
Let me continue. I was talking about how this government's plan in trying to preserve services and making sure they're affordable is working. When we became government, up to the decade before that, health care costs were going up every year at 10%, 10%, 10%, 11%, 10%: continually 10%, 11%, 12%. That change alone, that lack of control, of trying to make sure we've got something there that we can preserve, cost a lot of money. We've seen the health care costs go from 25% of our budget to a full third of the provincial budget. I have to tell you, I think we've got ample money in the Ministry of Health to do the job, but we have to take a look at how we're doing it. We have to take a look at where the money's going.
Since 1990, there's been a 150% increase in community health. We've been able to make life a little bit more easy for some seniors who want to live at home in their communities by increasing funding there.
We have launched a cancer strategy that has taken another $15 million.
One thing that quite often taxpayers don't realize is that when governments create programs, there are always costs to that. Take, for example, the assistive devices program. Twelve years it's been around, and during that time about $1 billion have been spent -- $1 billion, a thousand million, have been spent. More than 850,000 Ontarians have received the benefits. People with disabilities have received the benefits from this. This year alone, the assistive devices program will invest another $84 million, and that's going to help out another 135,000 people.
It's important that we always invest in people, and that's what we're doing. We don't hear that, and that's why members will come in and criticize, because, " Oh, they're doing the right thing." They want to make sure that the message doesn't get out that the government is doing the right thing. That's unfortunate, really unfortunate. They don't realize that there's a plan out there, something's working, the government's working, the process is working.
Madam Speaker, it hasn't been easy. Let me take you back a year ago. We were in the middle of the toughest negotiations in the province of Ontario. We sat down with the broader public sector of the province of Ontario and recognized that we had to get some savings that would keep us in line, make sure that we can continue to provide services. I want to thank all the people in the broader public sector. I want to thank those people who were actively part of that participation, and I know that it did cost them a little bit. But the fact of the matter is, it saved 40,000 jobs.
I know that the community shelter in my riding that wasn't there three years ago is still running and still operating, and in fact it's going to see a little capital injection. I can take some pride, and I hope that all those people from the broader public sector can see where they've got some pride because they inputted into it. They helped us maintain the services, and those people should be thanked. They need to be thanked.
Quite often people don't realize -- they go into hospital and they think: "Well, look at the size of this hospital. Look at all the beds here. This is great." Then they start talking about the bed closures and they say: "This is awful. Health care has just fallen all apart."
But the fact of the matter is, there's been a 9% increase in the people they have been serving in the hospitals with 20% fewer beds. It's been managed by an efficient method, and that's something that I think all of us can be proud of, because there are increased services in cardiac, dialysis, trauma and cancer. There are tremendous increases.
The fact is, we hear about revolutions in this Legislature. We hear about a Common Sense Revolution happening from over there and it's pretty easy, because they talk about a 30% slash in income tax and spending's going to go way down. It's kind of like pie in the sky, because they don't recognize that, for all the expenditure control process that we went through, we went through ministry by ministry and took a look at programs and it was a difficult process. It was one that named programs and went through that expenditure reduction process.
I don't recall for a moment anyone from the opposition saying, "You didn't go far enough. You should have cut this program. You should have cut that program," because they can't name them. They can't name the programs that have to be cut. All they can do is come and they show their little Mike Harris book and say: "This is a Common Sense Revolution. We're going to cut everything by 20%; a 30% income tax cut for everyone in the province."
The taxpayers know that that's hokey. There's no way it's going to happen: talk about smoke and mirrors. I would have to say that somebody over there has had their calculator removed and in place of it was put a Nintendo game. They're playing Nintendo with the economy; and the fact of the matter is, I don't like the game they're playing, because they're talking about services to people and they want to cut them, and that's not the way to do it. It's not an open process. It's not one that takes a look at what some of the real needs are.
We've embarked on the area of long-term care reform, taken a look at the needs for seniors. We've looked at it, found some of the difficulties, made some difficult choices and last year put $107 million extra into long-term care. It's an incredible increase in funding, and by 1996 the total of that will run up to around $647 million, I believe is the number: an incredible induction of cash into a system that's necessary.
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We don't hear that from the opposition. They don't talk about the good things. They talk about slash, slash, slash. I wish they'd put away the Nintendo game and really come up with some hard facts, and point to something if they think there are cuts to be made, because we'd appreciate that.
There are difficult choices made by government. You take the student assistance program: $37 million. This year that funding is going to go to 180,000 students; last year it was 160,000; 20,000 more students are going to be able to access that fund. That's something I think we can be proud of because each and every one of us members is going to have some students in our ridings who are going to have an opportunity for higher education, and higher education is important. It's something that we are funding. It's a different approach. It would be nice if we could say that it's free; we can't, but we've extended it from 160,000 last year up to 180,000. That's an incredible increase.
I'm going to have to meet in the next little while with some people from the child care sector, and they've got some concerns. They wish we had come up with a child care reform program, a package, something that was very comprehensive. I can't go in there and say, "I've got a magic wand and I'm going to fix it, and every child care space that ever was needed in the province is going to happen." I can't do that. Since 1990, a 47% increase in spaces has been made available by this government: a 47% increase. I think that's incredible; I think that's good news. I think that's something we can all be proud of, though we don't hear about it.
We hear about their approaches. One of my colleagues just set a magazine down here. It kind of looks like Mike Harris, but it's not; it's Ralph Klein. They call him Ralph the Knife. That's the slash-and-burn approach. The unfortunate part is they don't recognize that you have to spend sometimes. That's why I talked about some injection of capital.
They say: "We got a plan. We can figure things out." The unfortunate part is that they didn't. They had dreams that said: "We're going to create a Highway 407 right across the north part of Toronto. We'll probably get it in within the next decade; maybe two, maybe three." This government sat down and brought in some business people, some people with dollars, some capital to inject into it. It's the first time a government has been able to pull in that kind of investment of $1 billion; $1 billion that will create over 20,000 jobs; $1 billion, not government money, injected into the economy of Ontario to create 20,000 jobs, one project alone. Anyone who travels on the highways around this city will know that that road is necessary. That's the kind of investment that's being made in the province of Ontario. That's not what you're going to hear from the members opposite, because they don't want to talk about the good-news parts. It's slam, slam, slam; that's the way it works.
The opposition makes government look bad, then an election comes by and, "Well, we'll get rid of them." The fact of the matter is, here's some good news, folks. They don't want to talk about it; it's a rather unfortunate thing that happens, and that's part of the parliamentary process, the process where the opposition says everything the government does is bad. The government says it's not.
We try to explain it, and we'd like to get the opportunity to speak. Then you get someone like the member for York Centre coming in here saying: "There's not a quorum. Let's shut this person up, because he's talking about some good news." He didn't come in here and talk about the 407, the investment right close to home for him: 20,000 jobs, incredible.
Improvements to the QEW alone, another $343 million. Subway expansions: My colleagues will speak about subway expansions because they know how vital they are, how important they are to the economy of this little economic engine that has been stifled because of policies beyond our control, policies by other governments.
The opposition quite often blame us for the recession. The fact is, it's not one that we created. There are a number of policies that have affected it, and it's changing. Finally, they're starting to recognize that a lot of good news comes out of this government. Sometimes they even acknowledge it. I bet there are times when some of these members go back home and they talk about things like midwives, nurse practitioners and changes in health care that are positive. They probably go back and talk about that. I think they should give themselves a pat on the back for being part of that, because they're part of a government, even though sometimes they oppose things, that brings about changes like that.
I don't think it would seem quite the same if I got up to speak and never mentioned the Tobacco Control Act. Here's an issue for 13,000 preventable deaths in the province of Ontario that I would encourage all members to go back home and take a little bit of pat on the back for, because it's the most progressive piece of anti-smoking legislation that this province, this country, in fact North America, has seen. It's something I want them all to take a little bit of pride in, because they're part of it. Though they may not agree with little parts of it, they're part of something that is going to save them, hopefully -- there will be 100 deaths in my riding and 100 deaths in each member of the Legislature's riding from premature tobacco-related diseases. I hope that maybe they'll take a little bit of pride in something there, because they can actually have an active part in preventing some people's premature death.
I don't want to go on at length and use up the whole 30 minutes. I just wanted to point out a few of the important things we've done. A nice, quick and easy one: $1 billion, 20,000 jobs. We may not hear that from over there. I hope they do; I hope they recognize that.
I hope they might recognize the Ontario Clean Water Agency: $750 million. In my riding alone, Ballantrae and the Musselman's Lake area for years have had bad water. There have been people with bad health effects there, and they've got an injection of capital that is going to see them get safe water.
Up in Beaverton there's an expansion going on of the sewage system, and that's all part of the Ontario Clean Water Agency. Yes, it's part of the plan, and that's supporting jobs. That alone will support 13,000 jobs.
I said I'm not going to go on at length, but I think we've got to talk about a few of these good things, because I don't know whether we're going to hear from them on the good things. I hope we do. I hope they'll come forward in summing up.
We're probably going to hear from one of those northern members and they're probably going to be quite proud of the fact that there's another $447 million in upgrading Highway 69 from Waubaushene right up to Sudbury. We might hear that from them, so I'm not going to talk about that. I'm not going to talk about between Thunder Bay and Nipigon. They'll probably point out the $367 million in capital there, so I'm not going to mention that part.
There are a lot of parts that I'm not going to mention, that I'm not going to talk about, because I know they're probably itching to talk about it, because I know they don't want to be completely negative. I know they like to be, but I know they don't want to be, because some of those good-news announcements affect their ridings, and they want their constituents to know that part of what happens down here, even though from time to time it gets quite partisan, they're going to want to support.
They may not agree that the commitment the Ontario government's made to jobs -- and over the next three years, that's going to --
Mr Turnbull: On a point of order, Madam Speaker: I'm sure the present speaker would not want to mislead this House, so I would ask him perhaps to withdraw the fact that he has, in debate, suggested that the government is not raising the funds for the 407 and that it's being raised in the private sector. I'm sure he would like to correct the record.
The Acting Speaker: That is not a point of order. The member may continue his speech.
Mr O'Connor: It's always easy for a member to come in and criticize in the middle. The important part about this House is that the member across the floor has an opportunity to make a statement at the end about all the comments I made. He might want to talk about the $1 billion, he might want to talk about the 20,000 jobs, he might want to talk about the 13,000 jobs, but he's got his two minutes at the end. I'm sure it was just a slip that he forgot he has two minutes to make a comment at the end, and he probably regrets interrupting my brief moments.
Mr Turnbull: You said it wasn't being raised by the government.
Mr O'Connor: And I'm sure he wouldn't want to be interjecting and interrupting me right now.
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I was about to wrap up. I want to hear what my opposition colleagues think. I want them to stand their ground and say, "Yes, by slashing welfare costs, we're going to save a lot of money and we're going to help out our friends by giving them some income tax breaks." I want them to tell me all about their plans, because they've got some sort of Common Sense Revolution or revolting or something like that. I want them to tell me about the Nintendo machine, that Gameboy they're using instead of a calculator, because I don't like that game they're playing.
The fact is that this budget contained no new taxes. It didn't. In fact, it recognized that small business is going to be part of the recovery that's taking place, and there is even some stimulus for them.
There's an overall plan. It's the second year in a row that the government of Ontario has reduced overall spending. There's a plan and it's working. They don't want to acknowledge that since 1942, and there have been a lot of governments around since 1942, they never had an overall reduction in spending. They'll probably want to point out why. They probably have a good excuse, so I look forward to hearing that excuse.
I appreciate the fact that they gave me the last couple of minutes to respond without interruption. I appreciate the opposition giving me the chance, when I have the floor, to have the floor.
Overall, the plan of the government is working. We're maintaining services. We're getting the costs down. I want to thank the people from the broader public sector who have been part of this, part of working with us, all those employees out there and the employers who sat down with the employees and tried to work out part of the plan to save 40,000 jobs. I want to thank them, because it's all been part of the overall plan.
Madam Speaker, I'll just wrap up there and thank you for the opportunity to speak today.
The Acting Speaker: Questions or comments?
Mr Stockwell: I appreciate the fact that the member gets up and defends public policy from the government side. I understand the right of each member to do that. I do care for the member for Durham-York because he does bring an honesty to the job that may be somewhat different from other members' across the floor, but I think you've got to get your facts straight on a few issues. All I want to do is lay out the facts, and if you have problems with that, I understand. You haven't gone to the tables of the budget to review them.
First of all, "A billion dollars was raised by the private sector for Highway 407." The government's underwritten the entire cost of Highway 407. If you're using that other than in this place, out on the campaign trail or the stump, you'd better get your facts straight, Larry, because that's not true. The public is underwriting the entire cost of 407, and maybe you should stop saying that.
The Acting Speaker: Would the member please refer to other members by their riding.
Mr Stockwell: To the member for Durham-York, I will also tell you that you've bought into the Treasurer's rhetoric. He's told you that he's reduced spending. If you go to your 1994 budget, on page 114 -- I don't know who's telling you this and whether you can read or add up the numbers -- it says right there: "Actual 1992-93, $50.643 billion; interim 1993-94, $50.880 billion."
Mr Turnbull: That's without the capital plan, I believe.
Mr Stockwell: And that's just the operating. The plan, 1994-95, is $51.488 billion. Add in the capital, and every year that you've claimed you've reduced spending, it's gone up.
I ask you to go to the budget and read those things. You wouldn't get us so upset if you were telling the truth.
The Acting Speaker: Order.
Mr Stockwell: I apologize. I withdraw that. When you to suggest that you've reduced spending, you're not reading your own budget. It says you've increased it.
Hon Ruth Grier (Minister of Health): I want to rise and commend the member for Durham-York for his contribution to this debate, for his contribution to the work of this House and, as my parliamentary assistant, to the work of my ministry.
The member, with his integrity, hard work and certainly his gift of explaining the policies of this government and particularly the policies of the Ministry of Health, does an enormous job on behalf of this government. I want to say to those of his constituents who are watching that he does a first-rate job on behalf of the constituents of Durham-York.
All of us in this province will benefit from his leadership on attempting to deal with health issues in a way that looks at the roots of the problem and that deals with them on a population health basis. By that I mean his exemplary work as an advocate and a spokesman for cutting down on the use of cigarettes and the use of tobacco in this province. That's the most important contribution that can be made to our health care system, and for generations to come. This member, by his contribution to the debate today, has indicated his understanding of the economic context in which these decisions are taken. I want to commend him for his contribution to the debate.
Mr Turnbull: I want to make sure that my friend the member for Durham-York understands what I was saying. I suspect you just misunderstood what has happened.
The government, in launching the 407 project, sold a bill of goods to various contractors around the province and to the opposition parties, and presumably to your members: that it was going to go out with a consortium approach and that the consortiums were going to raise some billion dollars to build the 407.
The fact is that at the final moment they withdrew from it, and it is the government, the taxpayers of Ontario, who are paying for it. So all of your statements that the taxpayers are not paying for it are absolutely incorrect.
Interjection.
Mr Turnbull: I hear some nattering from the member for Hamilton West. The fact is that you said you were going to finance it through the private sector and it was going to be raised by the consortiums, and at the last minute you changed the tune. The fact is that you are wrong; you are absolutely wrong.
Mr Gilles Bisson (Cochrane South): No, you're wrong.
Mr Turnbull: I find it quite strange that all the government members can say is, "You're wrong." I'm right. Just check Hansard, check what the minister has said in answer to me, and you will find that your own Minister of Transportation, skating as he will, admits that in fact the money is being raised through the taxpayer's pocket, not through the private consortium it was originally sold as.
That is not an insignificant amount, and you're lauding the efforts, and it's $1 billion you're out, quite apart from the fact that you have increased spending each year.
The Acting Speaker: The member's time has expired. We have time for one more question or comment. Seeing none, the member for Durham-York has two minutes to respond.
Mr O'Connor: I want to thank the members who shared some of their thoughts and their critiques of my statements on this year's budget. I guess there's a misunderstanding here. The fact is that the $1 billion is going to create Highway 407 was done by this government in a unique approach, and there are 20,000 jobs being created, and it's 17 years ahead of schedule. They don't want to talk about it.
One of the members mentioned that there wasn't a decrease. Let me explain again, let me be clear. The spending decrease is $1.2 billion, or 16% less than it was in 1990 in the operations of the running of this government. When the opposition parties were in government, they didn't reduce the number of ministries from 28 to the present 20. It wasn't them, though they might like to pretend they could have done that. They maybe thought about doing that; they just didn't have the time. The fact is that reducing from 28 to 20 ministries alone saves $42 million a year. We keep hearing about this.
This year's program spending will fall again: 14 out of the 20 ministries will spend less this year than last year, 14 out of the 20 ministries.
It's easy for them to criticize: "You're wrong. That's not the way it works." Well, we'll see, when before the end of the decade we're going to have a highway we can go across in the north part of the city. We'll see when the congestion finally is cleared up because this government did something a little bit different.
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Mr Stockwell: On a point of order, Madam Speaker: I would like to withdraw the comments I made with respect to the member for Durham-York when I suggested to him that government spending wasn't down. When he cites the figures he cites, the member for Durham-York --
The Acting Speaker: That is not a point of order. Each person is entitled to their opinion.
Mr Stockwell: The member for Durham-York is absolutely correct. If you don't include debt servicing, like he's done, then spending is down, but considering that debt servicing is $8 billion --
The Acting Speaker: Order. Will the member take his seat. Each member can legitimately get the floor in the debate. Further debate? The member for Brampton South.
Interjections.
Mr Callahan: There seems to be a lot of activity down at that end of the chamber.
The Acting Speaker: Would members come to order. The member for Brampton South has the floor.
Mr Callahan: It's a pleasure to participate in the budget debate because there's really not much to debate. It's clearly been tagged as a sleeper, a snoozer.
The Acting Speaker: I have asked for order in the House. If there are private conversations, please carry them out somewhere else.
Mr Callahan: It's clearly a snoozer, a sleeper and a bore. However, I think what this budget does do is try to cover up the sins of the past budgets that my good friend Mr Laughren has brought forward to this province.
When you look at the fact that in the regime of the New Democratic Party government it has increased the accumulated debt by some $40 billion, that says volumes about how efficient and effective this government has been and how it has been a drain on my children, on my grandchildren and on the children and grandchildren of this province. They have hung around their neck the albatross of $8,500 of accumulated debt for every man, woman and child in this province -- $40 billion. Even the Conservatives, in their wild, ferocious spending over 42 years, only managed to drum up $50 billion. The New Democratic Party government, in the course of four years, has had the opportunity to duplicate what the Conservatives took about 40 years to do. That means the New Democratic government has increased the deficit 10 times faster.
To be fair to the Treasurer, he did take over at a time when the economy was bad, but I can still remember --
Mr Turnbull: What did the Liberals do? They drove it up $10 billion in a few years.
Mr Callahan: I think I've put a Brillo under his pad or something. Obviously, I've struck a ring of truth. That's why he's speaking that way.
In any event, despite the recession, and I will give Mr Laughren the benefit of the doubt on the recession, there is no possible way that one could increase the accumulated deficit -- the people watching in the gallery and watching at home have to understand that the deficit he referred to in his budget this year, that he struggled so hard and used all sorts of voodoo mechanisms to keep under $10 billion, is really only the yearly deficit. In your own household, if you project you're going to do so many things in a year and you go over by $3,000, that's a deficit, that's the annual deficit. The annual deficit just keeps heaping on to the accumulated deficit. The accumulated deficit is probably in the neighbourhood of about $90 billion.
Mr Stockwell: It's called the debt.
Mr Callahan: Whatever you want to call it, it's still an albatross around the necks of our future generations. That has to be dealt with.
I can remember the good Treasurer standing in the House for the first budget he delivered --
Mr Stephen Owens (Scarborough Centre): The excellent Treasurer.
Mr Callahan: Yes, my good friend, but I'm afraid his economics are somewhat outdated.
I can remember him standing there and saying to this House, "We're going to spend our way out of the recession." Well, we spent our way out of the recession. We sure did. I think that year we had a $10-billion or $11-billion deficit.
Hon Richard Allen (Minister without Portfolio in Economic Development and Trade): You won't find those exact words anywhere.
Mr Callahan: Well, I remember it. I remember it clearly.
I also remember the opportunity the Treasurer had to take the GST and the PST and to have them -- I'm trying to think of the word. Not homogenized. What's the word, John? Harmonized.
Ms Christel Haeck (St Catharines-Brock): Same thing.
Mr Callahan: It is the same thing, I'm told. Thank you.
We urged the Treasurer to do it. We urged the Treasurer to do it because that was $500 million each year, maybe more: Depending on how many retail products and so on, goods and services, were sold, it would increase. The Treasurer said, "No, we won't do that." It was politically unpopular. But in a leadership role, that $500 million -- I remember saying to him in this House, "You will rue the day that you did not do that." So there's $500 million. Perhaps it would be $600 million, $700 million, $800 million now that we would have had in extra revenue. He didn't do it.
He also decided to give the public service, in the first year of this government's mandate -- and thank God he did, I guess the public service would say, because when it got hit with the social contract he took it all back -- a pay raise that I think was in the neighbourhood of about 7% or 8% when other people were losing their jobs, losing their homes and not getting any raises at all, and they thought that was great. What does he do the year after, or I guess it was in 1993? He said: "Okay, we've given you that raise. We're now going to take it back, and we're taking it back through the social contract legislation."
There are people I talk to in my community of Brampton South and around this province who say, "Bob Rae had a lot of guts to stand up and introduce the social contract." I'll tell you, when it was first introduced into the House that thought went through my head too. But as I examined it, and I urge each and every Ontarian to examine it, and those who were affected by it already know this, the savings are really not savings.
For instance, in my role as critic of Correctional Services, I discovered from guards in the various correctional facilities that the way they dealt with the social contract was that if you had to take what is lovingly called a Rae day, they in fact brought in someone at overtime or they brought in a part-time worker. So what you had was somebody being paid more than the person who was taking the Rae day. You had people coming in who would not have had to be brought in if the person didn't have to take the Rae day.
We have seen it in the nursing field. I've had nurses tell me that in cases where the RNAs had to take their Rae days, they were bringing in RNs to cover the Rae day. We all know that a registered nurse makes more than a registered nursing assistant; again, a simple situation where, although it looked good and it looked like Bob Rae was really taking control here, it was all smoke and mirrors.
Similarly in the police force. In essential services it's really interesting because the legislation itself does not allow for them to take money for their Rae days. So in this period of time that these essential services are building up, three years -- it'll be 1996, I guess -- the people of this province are going to find that we're going to have to find people to replace these essential services people, because they're entitled to 36 days. That is, of course, unless we're going to do without a police force, a fire department and all of these other essential services for 36 days and just let the felons run loose and the fires burn down the city. So that's a ticking time bomb that taxpayers must really understand.
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When we look at the other factors of the budget -- and I'd speak about the budget itself but, as I said, it's a sleeper; it's a snorer; it's a snooze; it's a bore. But you have to look at it in terms of the budgets he gave us before this that have created this tremendous difficulty in this province, have dragged this province to its knees, in fact. Because when you look at the other aspects of it, what does the NDP government do in terms of trying to reach that magic target of $8 billion this year in terms of its annual deficit? They create four crown corporations.
I think it's important to understand Mr Laughren's sleight of hand. He could probably make the Statue of Liberty disappear. He creates four crown corporations and he transfers civil servants from the payroll of the government of Ontario into those crown corporations. Those crown corporations are not reflected as part of the debt of the province, so therefore we have instantaneously, just like that magician -- Doug Henning, I think his name is -- made the Statue of Liberty disappear, Floyd Laughren and his cohorts in cabinet thought, "This is a marvellous way to fool the people of Ontario," and in an instant they created four corporations and they eliminated those civil servants by moving them over on to the financial statements of these four crown corporations.
That was a great idea. That really fooled the people of this province. It allowed Mr Laughren to --
Ms Haeck: On a point of order, Madam Speaker: It may be a moot point in some circles, but I believe that "fool" is not really an appropriate term. I hope you might address that with the member.
The Acting Speaker: I would ask the member for Brampton South to reconsider the remark he made about fooling the people of Ontario. Would you withdraw?
Mr Callahan: I will certainly withdraw that. I always thought it was only if you called somebody a fool in this House that it was unparliamentary. All right; he outfoxed them.
Interjections.
The Acting Speaker: To the member, there is a level of dignity that I would like to have everyone adhere to. Thank you.
Mr Callahan: He painted a picture that was rosier than it should be. How's that? I think that's an acceptable phrase. That probably makes it clearer for people who are watching this.
Having done that, and we're going to take this argument further, not only did he create four crown corporations to paint a rosier picture, but then they get this magnificent idea: "Let's sell off the assets of Ontario. Let's sell off the GO trains." I think jails were even on the block at one point. "Let's sell the buildings." I'm surprised they haven't sold this place, because we wouldn't have had to refurbish it at tremendous expense to the people of this province. We could have sold it off to some developer. We could have sold it off to a private concern. But the most difficult thing I have is, if you're going to sell the assets, if you're selling the family farm, the next thing you know, they'll be selling the conservation areas and the provincial parks and leasing them back. That would be the next step, I would think.
Surely that is, while you do have the power, really letting the people of Ontario down. What you're doing is selling off assets, knowing full well that as you do that, you reduce the accountability and the financial worth of the province. Then when you've got to lease them back, you're at the mercy of the people who have bought them, and probably bought them for a tax write-off, and you have to lease them back at exorbitant rates. In fact, what you're doing again is mortgaging the future of this province, but it doesn't show up in your current budget, so you get a good budget that's a snoozer and a snorer and is a great election budget. You go out to the people of Ontario and say: "Hey, look. We didn't increase any taxes. We gave you a budget where we just simply did nothing. It was a stand-pat budget."
I think that's a myth as well, because in the budget, if you look very carefully, there are fee increases. The Treasurer doesn't call that taxes, but it's in the neighbourhood of $48 million to add to the something like $122 million they've increased over the period of their mandate. These are things such as, if you buy a house, you pay twice as much to register the deed and the mortgage. You used to pay $25. As a result of the budgets and the fee increases by this government, that's increased from $25 to $50.
Now, somebody would say, "Well, so what?" In fact, what it does is it means that if somebody is going out to buy a house and they've got just enough money to get the down payment, which is the case with most people, that additional $50 or $100, plus the searching of judgements against the people's names, which went from $2 a name to $11 a name -- that's an astronomical increase; nobody's ever done that -- those increases could possibly take out of the reach of a young couple or people who are just managing to make it the opportunity of buying a home.
Then if you die, instead of bringing in inheritance taxes and biting the bullet and taking the political heat for it, they went in the back door. What they did was they increased probate fees. Probate fees are the fees you pay on the value of an estate at the time of death. It used to be a certain percentage, a very minor percentage. Today, the percentage has been increased to such a large extent that in fact it amounts to a death duty.
So you carry on in Ontario thinking: "Well, this is a stand-pat budget. Thank you, Mr Laughren. It's a snorer, a snoozer. You didn't do anything to us." Well, I'll tell you something. There's a time bomb ticking there that the people of this province are going to realize, maybe not tomorrow but certainly in a year or two or three years down the line, or perhaps when they die, or perhaps when they buy a house or when they go to renew their driver's licence. Look at the considerable increases there have been in drivers' licences, licence plates, everything imaginable. Everything that walks, breathes and can be taxed has been taxed by fee increases.
We have a filing fee for corporations: $50 for a corporation, $25 for a non-profit corporation. We had anticipated that the Treasurer would realize that if he got rid of that nuisance -- and that's all it is, a tax grab -- he would have been able to cosy up to business, which he had difficulty cosying up to and in fact had alienated to such an extent that companies are moving out of this province left, right and centre, and the net result is that jobs are just being lost, a tremendous amount of jobs. He didn't do it, though, and what was it worth? It was worth about $12 million a year in totality. He could have generated a lot of goodwill with business and a lot of goodwill with our non-profit corporations if he had just eliminated it.
I remember the Minister of Consumer and Commercial Relations standing up over there and saying, "Well, it's absolutely necessary because we have to know who the directors are on the company." I agree with that, but surely they don't change that often and surely you don't have to charge $50 to do this. I've heard, which I think is outrageous, of people who have corporations and for some reason they forgot to do the filing and found that their corporation was killed. In order to get it back, as you know, Madam Speaker -- you've chaired the private bills and regulations committee -- they have to come down here to Big Brother, to Queen's Park, pay thousands of dollars and legal fees to get the corporation revived in order to ensure that the assets of that corporation don't wind up in the hands of the public trustee.
What else have we seen this government do? Advocacy legislation. They're great job creators but their job creation is somewhat of a myth.
Jobs Ontario: I don't know about you people but I've had experiences in my constituency office recently which just blew my mind. Some fellow came into my office and he said, "Mr Callahan, I went to school, having been sent there at the cost of the government." I think it was the federal government of the day; $50,000 to educate him to be a welder. He was now a master welder. He went to Jobs Ontario to see if he could get a job as a welder and they looked through their little files there and they said, "Yes, here's a company."
They sent him to the company. The company has had him sweep floors; the company has had him move wood from point A to point B. I think in the course of his year there, he's had one week of welding. In fact, he was so concerned about the whole situation he went back to school again because he was afraid he'd lose his trade.
These people are being paid, I understand, $10,000 an employee. So it opens up great possibilities for a company: Don't deal in a product, deal in people. Say, "We'll take two welders, we'll take two carpenters, we'll take this, that and the other thing." It looks great on the government's political agenda that it's created these jobs.
Advocacy legislation: God forbid that legislation should ever be passed. Thank God it's not going to trigger until January 1995, and hopefully by that time an election will have been called and we'll get rid of the silly stuff. They scared the living daylights out of seniors in my riding calling up my office and saying, "I need a power of attorney, Mr Callahan." They had absolutely no idea what it was all about. The government did a very poor job. But what it does do is it creates a great bureaucracy of advocates.
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One thing I've learned in the 10 years I've been in this Legislature is that the New Democratic Party's approach to legislation is always one that is going to create jobs, but it's jobs that it controls and that are within its framework, as opposed to encouraging small business to generate jobs in the normal way, by reducing red tape, cutting taxes, as we espouse.
In any event, this advocacy group is just going to be absolutely marvellous. I've talked to some doctors and dentists who are scared silly. One dentist told me that, under this advocacy legislation, if a little kid comes into the office with his mother and the doctor wants to give him some type of treatment and the kid says, "I don't want it," they have to stop right there and they have to call in an advocate. If that's true, that is absolutely outrageous. That's mind-boggling.
I see I have about 10 minutes left, so I'm going to go to a couple of things of mine. Canadians and Ontarians keep talking about the deficit. There's no question about it that it is a ticking time bomb for this country and this province. I've tried to urge treasurers of all political stripes to repatriate our debt. One of the big problems we have in fact is that we are beholden by having much of our borrowing outside of this province and this country. We're affected by the change in the dollar. We're affected by the US inflation rate, as we've seen, which triggers our interest rates to go up and slows down our economy.
If Canadians and Ontarians are really serious about it, then we should be as serious as we were during times of crisis, like world wars, where we would, as Canadians, be prepared to keep a proportion of our debt, people who had money to offer would keep it in documents and loans here in Canada, and we could use that money to repatriate the foreign debt that exists right now. That would allow us to control it much more significantly. It would also allow us to more leisurely look after it, rather than taking the cut, rip and burn approach of the Harris revolutionaries.
If anybody buys that argument, then I've got swamp land in Florida to sell them. They're running around this province in a pre-election spirit, trying desperately to look over their shoulders and make sure that the Reform Party is not going to run candidates against them. They're going to cut, burn and bleed everything that walks and stands. They're saying they're going to reduce the taxes by 30% and yet they say they're going to bring the deficit down. Their figures don't add up. If anybody even looked at them in a minute way, they would find that their entire campaign is bogus.
Mr Stockwell: Explain.
Mr Callahan: Explain what?
Mr Stockwell: Explain why.
Mr Callahan: Because there's no possible way. You have statutory obligations which cover probably about 75% of your spending.
The Acting Speaker: Would you address your remarks through the Chair.
Mr Callahan: You can't possibly do it.
Mr Stockwell: What the hell are you talking about?
Mr Callahan: You'll get your chance. You can deal with it.
Mr Harris promises to cut personal income taxes, yet he'll pay for health care with a new health tax on personal income. Mr Harris would be the first one to accuse the Treasurer of voodoo economics by the four crown corporations and by reporting in a different fashion, so much so that the auditor complained about the way he reported; in fact, wouldn't give him an unqualified audit. Mr Harris complains about that, and yet on the other side of the coin, as I say, what are you telling the people when you say you promise to cut personal income taxes and you'll pay for health care with a new health tax on personal income? That's voodoo. That's true voodoo.
Mike Harris promises to balance the budget. That doesn't add up as well. He's cutting personal taxes by $4 billion. He's getting rid of the LCBO, which costs another $600 million in government revenues, and he's promising to pay the WCB about $100 million a year. He says he'll find his cuts by looking at less than 50% of current government spending. That's voodoo too.
He says the Tories will create 725,000 jobs. That's more than are currently forecast, yet their economic growth projections are lower than are currently forecast. How can they make a forecast and then exceed the forecast? That's voodoo too. That's fooling people.
The Acting Speaker: I asked the member not to use that phrase.
Mr Callahan: What, voodoo?
The Acting Speaker: Fooling the people.
Mr Callahan: Oh, sorry. Yes, "painting a rosy picture," painting a picture rosier than it is.
The Tories say they'll balance the budget within four years, make huge tax cuts and create more jobs. This is again based on unrealistic projections and unsound economics, yet they're flying around the province with this made-in-the-USA revolutionary document that, it's kind of interesting, is not in blue but in purple, I understand. Maybe it's not in vogue to go around the province with something in blue. As far as I can tell, it says nothing about being presented by the Conservatives. It's very silent on that. Maybe they're trying to fool the people of this province into thinking that the Conservative party and Brian Mulroney and all those ugly things the people denounced in the last federal election are gone.
The Acting Speaker: Would you rephrase that remark?
Mr Callahan: I'm sorry. Brian Mulroney and all those unspeakable things that relate to him are gone and he's not there any more. They're trying to shun him, get rid of him. I find it interesting.
What we need in this province is a restructuring -- I've said this, and this will probably be the end of my speech -- of how this place works. I have stood up here for 26 minutes and have blasted the New Democratic Party government and the Conservative third party, and really the forum of this place should not be available to do that. We should be given the opportunity through the process of this place to be able to tap the grey matter of every member of this Legislature for the benefit of the citizens of Ontario, instead of doing what I've done for the last 26 minutes. I did it deliberately, because I think there are certain things that come out from that, that show how, when you don't have a cooperative sharing of the mentality and the grey matter of the people in this legislative chamber, you have a government that is making its own agenda based on its own ideology and to the detriment of the people of this province.
Hon Bob Mackenzie (Minister of Labour): What did you do for five years?
Mr Callahan: The Minister of Labour asked, what did I do? Since 1985, I've argued that this place has to be reformed. The people of Ontario deserve better, particularly the people I see coming into my constituency offices who are losing their homes, who don't have a job, who have lost all belief in ever getting ahead, the young people, 30% of our young people out of work.
We stand here and play partisan politics in a chamber that should be a forum for democracy, should be a forum for all ideas being important, for a sharing of ideas, not allowing an ideology of whatever political stripe to hamper the full blossoming of that concept. If we did that, perhaps we would be earning our pay in a better fashion, because right now you've got maybe 10% of this place really running the show and yet people are paying 130 of us. That doesn't make sense.
I was particularly interested in looking at the question of children's aid societies and their statutory mandate to look after children, and yet the government, the minister, refused to meet with the head of our children's aid society. They're concerned about whether they'll have the funds to meet that mandate.
We're buying land in Costa Rica, and I find it absolutely incredible that Maurice Strong would be doing that. I applauded the Premier when he stopped Hydro from turning off the lights, but when he allows Mr Strong to go out and buy tracts of land in Costa Rica, that just blows your mind.
The other things we look at in the short term -- and that's a part of our structure, the fact that we don't have a definitive term in this House -- is that we don't provide risperidone for schizophrenics, put it on the formulary so they can have it. So these people live on the streets and they go in and out of the hospital. I saw last night a young lady, Catherine Fast I think was her name, who was found murdered because of changes that were made to the Mental Health Act which literally have made schizophrenics the street people of the world and have just cast them aside as nothingness.
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We've reduced moneys for kids with learning disabilities. A whole host of things we are doing is shortsighted and will result in us paying a great deal more down the line in terms of our programs. Yet there are ways. If we took the totality of this House and tapped the members' brains, instead of playing this game of, "We're in power, you're out of power," and the ideologies of the three political parties, we could come up with a better Ontario, not just for the children of today but their children and their children beyond that.
I suggest that things like casinos have done nothing to foster that image. All we've done is create perhaps another difficulty, without providing money to deal with the people who will suffer from this: the families.
My time has run out. I have many more things, but I guess I'll have to wait for another year.
The Acting Speaker: Questions or comments to the member for Brampton South?
Mr Stockwell: I don't want to confuse the member with the facts, but I think I will. You can argue what you want with respect to our plan, and if you wanted to use some facts or even items that are of interest, it would be at least a little refreshing. Simply to classify it all as voodoo economics is maybe fair comment, if you can give us an example. In my two minutes, I would say give us a couple of examples of why exactly it is, besides just rhyming off what we said we'd do.
Let's talk about the debt. Obviously, you didn't read your briefing notes when you were in government. The debt you received or incurred was not $50 billion from the Conservative Party. The debt you received was $32 billion since Confederation that was attributed to the province. When you people, the Liberals, left office, the debt had gone from $32 billion to $42 billion.
Mr Turnbull: In five years.
Mr Stockwell: In five years of those salad days of the 1980s, when we had all kinds of money and so on and so forth, it went from $32 billion to $42 billion.
You are correct with respect to the NDP's record. They've taken it from $42 billion to $90 billion. If they have another budget, we'll hit $100 billion without too much argument. I don't think even members across the floor would argue too much. It'll be very close to $100 billion.
Just for the public to understand -- and I don't want to say who's right and who's wrong -- what it's come to is that from Confederation to 1985 the debt was $32 billion. During the Liberal reign of 1985-90 the debt went from $32 billion to $42 billion. Then, when the NDP got elected, since 1990 to date it's gone from $42 billion to $90 billion. If they introduce another budget, as the Treasurer suggested, it will probably increase another $10 billion, roughly, to $100 billion.
If you look at the record, it seems fairly clear to me who was the best at keeping a lid on the deficit. I'll tell you two things: It wasn't the NDP and it wasn't the Liberals.
The Acting Speaker: Further questions or comments? Seeing none, the member for Brampton South has two minutes to respond.
Mr Callahan: I guess I only have to respond to the member for Etobicoke West. To begin with, in the Harris plan you promise to balance the budget within four years and you're not going to touch 55% of existing spending. To me, that is voodoo economics, okay? That's your first example. The second example is that you say you'll create 725,000 jobs more than are currently forecast, yet your economic growth projections are lower than are currently forecast. That again is voodoo economics. How can you make that statement under those circumstances?
In any event, going back to the deficits, as those were the issues addressed, there was a time in Ontario where there was no accumulated debt. I believe it occurred within the framework of -- maybe after Robarts. Or was it during Robarts?
Interjection: Before Robarts.
Mr Callahan: Okay, before Robarts. Within the framework of the Tory premiers from that day on, they accumulated that debt. I'm not in favour of anybody accumulating a debt, because what we're doing is trying to sell the future of the people of this province and get ourselves re-elected on the basis of their own money. That is really voodoo, that is unfair and that is untrustworthy in terms of politicians, and we should learn that that's not the way to go.
The net result of all of this, and I will end with this, is that the people of this province would be better served if we worked a very immediate and far-reaching reform on how this place is run.
Mr Ted Arnott (Wellington): I'm pleased to rise this afternoon to have the opportunity to speak to the budget.
Applause.
Mr Arnott: Thank you, to my colleagues who are so kind in their applause.
We've seen the budgetary policy of this government continue forward over the last -- this is the third budget of the government, I believe. We've seen some degree of consistency in the budgetary policy of the government but we've seen problems with it. We've seen the willingness of the government to incur very, very high debt levels. We started off the first budget and I believe the deficit was about $10 billion. I recall sitting in the chamber the day the budget was read and being absolutely shocked by that level of budgetary deficit.
Since the New Democrats have come to power, the net debt, the accumulated deficits that they've incurred over the last number of years, has doubled. Just the provincial debt was about something like $40 billion when they took power. This doesn't include the Ontario Hydro debt, the unfunded liability to the Workers' Compensation Board and some of the other obligations that the province has. When they came to power, it was about $40 billion; it's now about $80 billion. When this budget is done, they'll be about $90 billion in debt.
It's interesting to contrast over a 10-year period because when the Conservatives were last in office in 1985 the budget debt was about $30 billion. Of course, after this budget is through, it'll be about $90 billion -- tripling the debt in 10 years, and that is something that should concern us all. I think it concerns most of us. Perhaps some of the New Democrats are not so concerned, but that's unfortunate.
Very rarely do we in this House talk about agriculture, unfortunately. There are very few opportunities to talk about agriculture, and of course the tradition with the budgetary debate is that members are free to talk about any subject, so I want to talk about agriculture for part of the time that I have available to me.
It's interesting to see the response from the agricultural community to the budget. The Ontario Federation of Agriculture, which is probably the most important and the largest interest group that represents farmers, reacted very negatively to this budget.
Roger George, who is the president, was quoted as saying, "The OFA was not looking for megabucks, rather a reaffirmation of the government's commitment to the agrifood sector and Ontario's rural communities and a recognition of the role that rural Ontario has to play in the creation of new wealth in the provincial economy." He also expressed concern about how many aspects of the budget seemed to be playing to an urban audience. The government was boasting about many of the commitments it had made with respect to Highway 407 and the new subway lines in Toronto. That's a big aspect of the budget, yet there didn't seem to be any recognition that rural Ontario even existed, unfortunately.
Another thing that the OFA mentioned with respect to the budget was its disappointment that the gross revenue insurance plan payments, the support level for GRIP, were not increased to 85% from 80%. Many provinces do support their farmers, through the GRIP program, at 85% price support. We in Ontario have 80%, and I think the farmers of Wellington county would be interested in hearing an answer as to why the government has not proceeded to increase the level to 85%.
Our caucus had the opportunity to meet with a number of the representatives from the Ontario Milk Marketing Board. In Wellington county we have a great number of dairy farmers. I don't have a specific figure, but it's one of the most important aspects of our rural economy. Overall, across the country, Canada's supply management commodities contribute about $16 billion and 100,000 jobs to the Canadian economy. So you can see locally and you can see across the country how important supply management is to our farmers and our rural communities.
There were a number of concerns that they expressed to us. They were very concerned about the government's farm labour bill. It's something that I hope to get a chance to speak on at significant length as the debate continues. I want to register my complete opposition to that bill, and I hope that we can convince the government to withdraw it.
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There was another concern that was addressed at our meeting from the cream producers. Some time ago, in an effort to encourage many cream producers to convert their quota to milk quota, they were asked to do so. Unfortunately, the farm products marketing commission made an erroneous ruling suggesting that farmers who converted would still have a significant penalty, and I believe it was 15% of the value of the quota.
The Minister of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs, to his credit, overruled that commission's ruling, and I think he was wise to do so. I think the commission made a mistake in its initial ruling. I was pleased to have written him a letter encouraging him to respond, and I was pleased that he listened to the concerns that were expressed to him. I think that's something the minister deserves credit for. That's agriculture, and I think it's clear that the provincial government must address the concerns of farmers if rural Ontario is to flourish.
One of the other more important issues in Wellington county today is our health care and our hospitals and our emergency departments. I'm pleased that the Minister of Health is present in the chamber to hear the comments I intend to make today.
We have three hospitals in Wellington county proper and we also utilize the Guelph hospitals. The three hospitals are Louise Marshall Hospital in Mount Forest; in Palmerston, the Palmerston and District Hospital; as well as the Fergus hospital, which is known as Groves Memorial Community Hospital. All of these hospitals play an important role in primary health care delivery to the people of Wellington county.
We've had some problems over the last number of years in terms of staffing our emergency departments. Three years ago we had a major problem in Mount Forest. That was corrected actually, and we have a situation now where our doctors are staffing the emergency department, although that issue has sprung up at a number of other hospitals around the province recently, and I hope the minister will respond. I know she has set up a framework to attempt to negotiate a solution bringing in all the partners, but I hope very much she recognizes that the delivery of medical care in rural Ontario is significantly different.
The doctors face different challenges: yes, their workload is heavy; yes, many of them are overworked. But I think the doctors also have to recognize that they have a tangible benefit by having the ability to admit patients to those hospitals, and they should recognize their need to serve their communities. I wish the minister well in terms of solving that problem, and I hope she will recognize that delivery of rural medicine is in fact different.
There's another important issue affecting one of our hospitals in Wellington county, and that's the Palmerston and District Hospital. We have a proposal that has been put to the ministry that requests no provincial dollars, but is asking for approval from the ministry for the use of their own funds for renovations in their laboratory, physiotherapy, medical records, paediatrics, imaging and speech pathology departments.
The cost of these renovations will be covered by available hospital funds and by donations from the Palmerston and District Hospital Foundation. The changes in department facilities will not result in significant expansion of the role and scope of these departments, nor will the changes to the building result in significant additional operating costs. It's a very good proposal and I would commend it to the minister, especially given the fact that the government purports to support infrastructure spending. This is something we need approval for immediately, and I hope the minister will review it and get back to us with a favourable response.
I want to talk briefly about the environment. It's interesting how the environment, such a topical issue, I think, when all of went canvassing in 1990, was very much foremost on people's minds. Because of the economic crisis, it's not foremost on a lot of people's minds any more. It's too bad. I think we all have to continue to realize that we want to preserve our environment, to leave our children clean water and clean air. We've got to be very cognizant of that, but still I think one of the most important practical environmental problems we face in rural Ontario, and certainly in Wellington county, is the continuing waste management issue.
Recently, I guess over the last 10 or 11 years, Wellington county and the city of Guelph cooperatively have endeavoured to try to find a landfill site. It's been a very difficult process. It's not yet been successful. It's been very costly.
I raised in the Legislature in December 1992 a number of suggestions to the Minister of the Environment as to how the legislation or the rules or the regulations governing waste management could be changed, in my view, in a better way to meet the public interest. At that time, of course, the member for Etobicoke-Lakeshore was the Minister of the Environment. I suggested that the ministry should devise, in consultation with municipalities, for land owners who are displaced by the development of waste management facilities a suggested compensation policy which is fair and equitable and reflects the degree of inconvenience these people experience.
I feel very strongly about that. I think if the province were to take the lead and work with municipalities to devise a suggested compensation policy, a lot of the problems we have with respect to people who are fighting landfill developments tooth and nail would be minimized. A lot of people are naturally very concerned about the environment of the area that they may have lived in, and in some cases their families have lived in, for generations. But they're also very concerned and part of the emotional aspect comes forward in that they fear the economic loss of their property. They may have their whole net worth represented in that property, and if they feel that's going to diminish or completely erode, they're very, very concerned. It highly motivates the degree of opposition they are able to generate. If they were aware up front that they were going to be compensated fairly by a generous compensation policy which would be even more than just the market value, I think we would have a much better way of approaching our waste management problem.
That's not to say you wouldn't ensure that the dump site would be the safest environmental site possible. I'm not saying that, obviously. I said at the time and I continue to say that the minister has a job to do to explain the environmental assessment process to people, because people don't understand the environmental assessment process. They don't realize there are a number of steps that a dump has to go through before it will be approved and that, generally speaking, the dump has to be demonstrated by environmental experts and consultants' reports as the safest possible place in the municipality to put a dump site. The minister has a job to do in terms of explaining that to people. If people understood that, they'd feel a little more confidence in the process.
The government should stop blindly endorsing the positions of extreme environmental pressure groups. I feel that has motivated their policy with respect to waste management over the last couple of years. This prevents the provincial Ministry of Environment and Energy from responsibly and fairly evaluating all waste management alternatives. There are a number of alternatives, of course, that this government refuses to evaluate in a fair way, alternatives such as energy from waste, state-of-the-art incineration and rail-haul of garbage from communities in the south to willing host communities in the north. I still believe those options should be at least considered. It's unfortunate that the government uses its ideology to delete options from consideration.
I still believe the Minister of Environment and Energy could provide more leadership with respect to waste management. That's what I've said implicitly to this point. But that ministry has a significant budget, and in many cases much of the waste management master planning that's going on in various municipalities across the province is being done in duplication, in triplication. I don't know if there are 50 waste management plans going on. A lot of that is being done 50 times, at a significant cost to the local taxpayer. I firmly believe the ministry could take a greater leadership role. To the extent that work is being duplicated, the ministry could do it. Then they could hopefully recommend to municipalities a preferred waste management solution that could be tailor-made to local communities. I still believe there's a great deal of work the government has to do with respect to waste management. It's still a very difficult issue in Wellington county and across the province, and the minister ought to address it.
I want to talk about another issue that is on a lot of people's minds in Wellington county, and that is our welfare system. In my opinion as the member for Wellington, I think it's important that I start off by saying we must help those who are truly in need. To do that, we need to maintain public support for our welfare system. Right now I would venture to guess that public support for our welfare system is at an all-time low. Times are tough. People who are working, who are fortunate enough to have a job, are paying very high taxes, and when they continue to read stories about welfare fraud and how some people are absolutely ripping off the welfare system, their support for the system diminishes.
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It's important to maintain public support for a welfare system that we need because there are people in need. There are people who physically cannot work because of physical disability. There are others who unfortunately have lost their job, have exhausted their unemployment insurance benefits, have come to find themselves with no option but to apply for social assistance, who are on it on a temporary basis but will find work, and those people ought to be helped. And there are single mothers who need support while their children are young.
I keep coming back to the issue of public support for our welfare system. There has to be public support or the welfare system will not exist. I raised in the Legislature some time ago one of the issues in Wellington county that had been raised by our own county social services department. They had written numerous letters to the Minister of Community and Social Services specifically complaining about the Social Assistance Review Board, which was routinely, and I understand in just about every case, ordering interim assistance. If an applicant for social assistance had applied to the county and been turned down and appealed to the Social Assistance Review Board, the Social Assistance Review Board was routinely ordering interim assistance.
Because of the backlog at the Social Assistance Review Board, SARB, it was taking up to a year to hear the reviews, to hear the appeals. As a result, there were young people especially -- I call it student welfare, but social assistance for 16- and 17-year-olds is the actual terminology -- who are getting on the social assistance treadmill even though they've been turned down, even though our county has said they weren't eligible, and they were on social assistance for up to a year.
There was one example, and this is absolutely documented, where a 16-year-old girl in Wellington county was actually living at home with her parents in a selfcontained apartment; I assume a basement apartment. She was receiving social assistance because even though the home was fit, even though she'd been denied by our county, she had appealed to the Social Assistance Review Board and was receiving assistance.
There was a great deal of coverage of that issue, but I feel the minister has to respond to the problems at the Social Assistance Review Board. I understand from my contacts at the county that there has been some improvement there, and I want to commend the minister. Hopefully, he has followed up. I hope the question I raised had some impact and I hope there will be more action taken with respect to that issue.
As our party's small business advocate, I've had the opportunity to meet with a number of business groups and small business people across the province and in my own area of Wellington county over the last number of months, since the fall, since Mike Harris decided we needed a task force on small business. It's been a very interesting learning experience for me. It's a continuation of much of the work we've already done in formalizing, I guess, the consultations we've done. We've heard a great deal about how the government has to get off the backs of small business in order to create the jobs we need. We all recognize that small business is probably the way we want to go in terms of job creation, since most economists will tell you that about 80% of new jobs are created by small business. And we've heard that taxes have to be reduced such that small business people want to invest and expand in Ontario.
I think we all understand that message. The government understands that. In their own budget of a couple of weeks ago, they admitted that the payroll tax, which was of course brought in by the Liberal government -- the employer health tax, it's called, the tax which is a direct percentage of the payroll of a small business -- was creating problems and wasn't facilitating job creation. What the government is doing, of course, is saying that small employers will have a holiday for the coming year. If new employees are hired, there won't be employer health tax assessed on that.
I think that's a good move, but it clearly doesn't go far enough. We've said in a number of reports to the government pre-budget, and in a number of ways suggested -- and it's something the Canadian Federation of Independent Business has been suggesting too for quite some time -- that small business, those businesses under $400,000 payrolls, ought to be exempt from employer health tax. That would be a way to remove that barrier to job creation. We have to remember too that payroll taxes have nothing to do with the profitability of a business. A business could be losing money, yet they're still assessed this payroll tax, and that's a problem.
I still chastise the Liberal government for bringing that initiative in. I think people ought to be reminded that it was the Liberals who brought it in. They will tell you that of course the economy was booming and they thought businesses could withstand it at the time, but clearly it is an inhibition to job creation. The Liberals have actually recognized that as well in their report, Getting Ontario Working Again, where they've said that payroll taxes are a problem. I forget the terminology, but in a very vague sense they're suggesting they might review that tax; again, not going far enough, in my opinion.
Another major concern to small business people today is the Workers' Compensation Board. We had an announcement from the minister this week. There have been a number of changes over the last number of weeks and recently with changes at the top. The chairman was unceremoniously asked to leave, as well as the vice-chairman. I think that was necessary, unfortunately. I don't know Mr Di Santo all that well. I'm sure he did the best job he was capable of doing, but the fact was, he was unqualified to take over that position. It's unfortunate that a political appointment was made in that respect. I'm sure there are many jobs in the government that Mr Di Santo can do very well, but that job he was not qualified for, unfortunately.
The Workers' Compensation Board has a significant unfunded liability, so there's a major problem of the long-term viability of the system. If we don't get that under control, we could see in maybe five or 10 years where injured workers cannot get the assistance they need after they've been hurt at work.
I also must say that we still get dozens and dozens of complaints every month at our constituency offices. People aren't satisfied with the service delivery at the Workers' Compensation Board, and I think that ought to be addressed.
While I'm on the topic of complaints at the constituency offices, I have to raise another issue. It involves the support and custody branch of the Ministry of the Attorney General. Of course that system was changed by the New Democrats shortly after they came to office. I believe everyone who had a court-ordered separation agreement, if there were child custody and support payments involved, had to go through the support and custody office. I would submit that that has created a significant addition to the workload at those offices.
When we phone down to the support and custody office on behalf of constituents who have phoned to complain, trying to get answers, we're often stonewalled, just as people are when they try to phone themselves. I find that totally unacceptable. I think when members of the provincial Parliament, who in some cases represent 70,000 people, as in my case, when my office contacts the support and custody branch of the Ministry of the Attorney General, I need to receive an answer, because I'm calling on behalf of all the people of Wellington, even though I'm responding to one constituent's call.
In many cases we're being told that they can't get back to us. They refuse to contact our constituents to give them information, and it's important information because it involves their income. In many cases they are in absolute need of that money and they can't get answers. They can't even be told if the money is there or if it's coming. It's totally unacceptable, the level of service that the support and custody branch is extending to my constituents.
I know the Attorney General has a number of major issues -- she raised another today with the gay and lesbian rights issue, the bill that was introduced today -- but I think this is a very important issue because it involves in most cases single women, who have either become divorced or separated from their husbands, and their children, both of whom need the money that comes through that system. I think it's an important program and the government has to address the problems that they're experiencing there.
Getting back to small business, one of the main concerns that I've heard from small business people over the past number of months is the infamous $50 corporate filing fee. I've told them that in my opinion it's just another tax. The government says it needs the information, the government says it needs the information updated, and I think to some extent I'm not qualified to say that's incorrect, because I don't know from the government side how often that information is required.
Clearly, the government is now using it as an annual fee. It's an annual opportunity to extract another $50 out of every corporation in the province. I've been critical of the way the government has gone about this. They've sent threatening letters to many small businesses across the province that if the fee weren't paid immediately, the corporation would be dissolved. I think it would be absolutely foolish if the government tried to follow through on that, although I wouldn't put it past them, because they seem to have this absolutely negative and hostile attitude towards small business which is demonstrated time and time again.
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I have an interesting point to raise on this issue. I have a constituent in my riding named Gil Deverell, who is a lawyer in Mount Forest with the firm Grant, Deverell, Lemaich and Barclay. He's done extensive research on the issue of the $50 corporate filing fee and he submits that this fee is outside the law. He's told me that there should have been a legislative amendment to the Corporations Information Act to allow the minister to collect the $50 fee. The fact that she did it through a regulation means that it is invalid; it's not valid for the government. This is his legal opinion.
He's written numerous letters to the minister involved and to the Ministry of Consumer and Commercial Relations, and it's his considered opinion that the government is acting outside the law by collecting that fee. I hope that by raising this in the House I will get a response from the ministry as to how they view the legality of this thing, because I have a sneaking suspicion that Mr Deverell is absolutely correct and that this government is operating outside the law on that $50 corporate filing fee.
I'd be remiss if I didn't sum up by talking about our Common Sense Revolution. I think very highly of this document. We in caucus had a great deal of input in this and it's a culmination, actually, of about three and a half years of consultations among people in this province. It has five main components.
Number one is lowering taxes. We're saying that the provincial portion of your income taxes ought to be reduced by 30%. That alone would send out a message of confidence the likes of which this province hasn't seen in 10 years. We've suggested that government spending has to be reduced significantly and we've identified three priority areas where we feel it's important that government spending be maintained. Number one is health care, number two is classroom education and number three is law enforcement.
Interjection.
Mr Arnott: I know the Minister of Municipal Affairs is going to have this document to take home for the weekend so he'll have the opportunity to read it, and I hope he has a conversion on the road to Damascus when he reads it, but I rather doubt that he will.
We've identified, as I say, three priority areas that we feel should not be cut, but we've said that beyond that there should be a 20% reduction in government spending over a number of years. We've suggested that we need the help of Ontarians to further identify subpriorities within that reduction.
I had the opportunity to speak to the Ontario Municipal Recreation Association about this last night and their reaction was interesting. You would have thought that they would be very concerned about further budgetary cuts, but I think most people recognize that if cuts are done in a fair way, and I think too if the provincial government takes the lead -- what we've said is the number of politicians ought to be reduced.
We've said that having 130 MPPs is inconsistent with 99 federal members of Parliament. We've said that the boundaries ought to be the same and we could have 99 provincial members of Parliament. That's a 24% reduction in the number of provincial politicians. It's a symbolic move, I will give you, but I think it sends out the message that we're prepared to take the lead in this belt-tightening exercise that's absolutely required if we're going to maintain this province with any sort of standard of living that we've come to expect.
We've said as a third part that there are a number of specific things that should be done to eliminate the barriers to job creation. I believe that many of those have come out of our small business task force. I'm pleased to see the elimination of the employer health tax for small business; eliminating all the red tape that inhibits job creation; reforming Ontario Hydro and endeavouring to freeze rates for five years; cutting workers' compensation premiums by 5% in a way that's sensitive to all concerned in the workers' compensation process. Abolishing Bill 40 is one of my favourite aspects of it, because I think that Bill 40 has been a direct inhibition to job creation. It's the perception of Bill 40 in the business community that the province of Ontario is not interested in new business.
The fourth part is "Doing Better for Less," and I think most people in this province support that aspect. We're suggesting that spending could be smarter and we feel very strongly about that.
"A Balanced Budget Plan": I think that's absolutely essential to restoring confidence in this province. We have to believe that we can do it and I think we can do it, but we've got to have a plan. We've got to have rigid discipline over a five-year period, I would venture, to get to the point where we can start paying down this incredible debt that has literally tripled in 10 years. I think it's very, very important that we have a credible balanced budget plan and that the government follows it.
This is the Common Sense Revolution, and I believe in it very strongly. It's unfortunate that some of the government members don't. Some talk about politics as being the art of the possible. Margaret Thatcher says it's the art of the impossible. I believe that.
The Acting Speaker: The member's time has expired. Now we have time for questions or comments to the member for Wellington.
Mr Bisson: I listened with great interest to the comments by the Conservative member on the other side. I want to comment on a couple of things he had to say.
One of the points was that somehow or other he was trying to insinuate that the government of Ontario, namely the New Democratic government of Ontario, was not interested in creating jobs in the province of Ontario. I would just like to say categorically and up front that he is totally wrong. Investment in this province is increasing over the years. We've gone through the worst recession since the Great Depression of the 1930s. The member seems to forget the facts as they are, the economic facts that we find within the country we call Canada.
I can tell you directly that at my house back home in the riding of Cochrane South, we have just about over $500 million of private sector investment this year alone coming into the riding. That is because the mining industry and the forestry industry and others have confidence in the economy of Ontario and have seen Ontario as a good place for doing business.
The member should be a little bit fairer when doing an assessment in regard to the budget. I recognize this is a political debate, but the member should be a little bit fairer in his comments.
As for his comments in regard to what he calls a Common Sense Revolution, I would say there's not a heck of a lot of common sense in that. As you read that document and go through the total nonsense revolution that he's talking about, the measures really would be devastating to people in the province of Ontario. It is strictly an agenda to try to do some smoke-and-mirrors stuff prior to an election in order to get people to say, "Vote for me." But I say that if people were to fall into that, it would be tough times in Ontario indeed.
The Acting Speaker: Further questions or comments? Seeing none, the member for Wellington has two minutes to respond.
Mr Arnott: I want to respond to the member for Cochrane South. Unfortunately, he said I had said that the government is not interested in creating jobs. I didn't say that. I believe the government is interested in creating jobs. I would submit to you, Madam Speaker, the government doesn't have the slightest idea how to create jobs in the real world. I think that's clear.
There are really two planks to the government's job creation policies. You're talking a good game, but all you're doing in terms of job creation is your direct infrastructure spending, which you constantly claim is creating jobs, and you've got a figure that you attach as the number of jobs you've created; that's one aspect of your job creation plan.
The other aspect is your Jobs Ontario Training program. You say you're supporting direct job creation. Yes, you are. I agree you are. That's the intent. You're sending a cheque of taxpayers' money for $10,000 or so -- that's the maximum; there could be some cheques that are less -- to support job creation through training. I agree you're spending about $1 billion on that Jobs Ontario Training program.
That's the limit of your understanding of how jobs are created. You're saying that government can create jobs; the government will create all the jobs.
You don't understand that the private sector creates jobs too. You don't understand that if you got off the private sector's back, the small-business people, they would create jobs. If they had the opportunity to go out there and sell their goods and services, if they had confidence in the provincial government, to the extent that can influence it -- they have no confidence in you people. They have absolutely no confidence in your ability to manage the province. That's clearly a negative aspect in their opportunity to go forward and create jobs. They have no confidence in this government.
Clearly what they're looking for is a change, and a dramatic change. We call it the Common Sense Revolution. You watch: If we get the opportunity to govern, the spirit of that plan and the specifics of that plan will be reflected in government policy. I know that many on the socialist side won't like it, but the people of Ontario want it and I'm looking forward to seeing it realized as government policy.
Have a good weekend.
The Acting Speaker: The member's time has expired. Further debate?
Mr Norm Jamison (Norfolk): I'm pleased to rise to put my thoughts forward on the most recent budget and, for that matter, our term so far. I have many interesting things that I would like to say concerning the budget and the direction our government has taken. I know that, given the shortness of time, that may not be possible here today. I would then move that we adjourn debate, and I will continue on with my comments at a future date.
The Acting Speaker: Thank you to the member. He will be able to resume the debate at a further time.
The government House leader, would you let us know the business for the following week.
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE
Hon Brian A. Charlton (Government House Leader): Pursuant to standing order 55, I wish to indicate the business of the House for the week of May 30.
On Monday, May 30, and Tuesday, May 31, we will continue second reading consideration of Bill 91, respecting labour relations in the agricultural industry.
On Wednesday, June 1, we will begin second reading of Bill 165, amendments to the Workers' Compensation Board act.
In the morning of Thursday, June 2, during private members' public business, we will consider ballot item number 59, a resolution standing in the name of Mr Sola, and ballot item number 60, second reading of Bill 130, standing in the name of Mr Eves.
On Thursday afternoon, we will give second and third reading to any outstanding Pr bills. Following that, we will continue committee of the whole consideration of Bill 138, the Retail Sales Tax Act amendments, and third reading of Bill 113, the Liquor Control Act amendments. The remaining time will be allotted to continuing second reading of Bill 165, the WCB amendments.
The Acting Speaker (Ms Margaret H. Harrington): It being 6 of the clock, this House stands adjourned until next Tuesday, May 24, at 1:30.
The House adjourned at 1802.