36th Parliament, 2nd Session

L030a - Mon 22 Jun 1998 / Lun 22 Jun 1998 1

MEMBERS' STATEMENTS

SPECIAL SERVICES AT HOME PROGRAM

RIVERDALE HOSPITAL

AIR QUALITY

GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING

GOVERNMENT SPENDING

EVENTS IN SCARBOROUGH CENTRE

ELECTORAL REFORM

MUNICIPAL RESTRUCTURING

EMANCIPATION DAY

INTRODUCTION OF BILLS

WEST LAMBTON ELECTRIC COMMISSION ACT, 1998

EMANCIPATION DAY ACT, 1998 / LOI DE 1998 SUR LE JOUR DE L'ÉMANCIPATION

PROTECTION OF CHILDREN ON SCHOOL BUSES ACT, 1998 / LOI DE 1998 SUR LA PROTECTION DES ENFANTS DANS LES AUTOBUS SCOLAIRES

MOTIONS

APPOINTMENT OF INFORMATION AND PRIVACY COMMISSIONER

VISITORS

ORAL QUESTIONS

ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION

HEALTH CARE FUNDING

ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION

ELECTORAL REFORM

HEALTH CARE FUNDING

WASTE DISPOSAL

WOMEN ENTREPRENEURS

HEALTH CARE FUNDING

LABOUR LEGISLATION

TELEMARKETING PRACTICES

MENTAL HEALTH SERVICES

PETITIONS

HEALTH CARE

ABORTION

HOSPITAL RESTRUCTURING

PROTECTION FOR HEALTH CARE WORKERS

MENTAL HEALTH SERVICES

ABORTION

LAND USE PLANNING

PROTECTION FOR HEALTH CARE WORKERS

CHILD CARE

PROTECTION FOR HEALTH CARE WORKERS / PROTECTION POUR TRAVAILLEURS DES SOINS DE SANTÉ

PORT DOVER HARBOUR MUSEUM

HIGHWAY SAFETY

GAS WELLS

ORDERS OF THE DAY

TIME ALLOCATION


The House met at 1330.

Prayers.

MEMBERS' STATEMENTS

SPECIAL SERVICES AT HOME PROGRAM

Mr Gilles E. Morin (Carleton East): This government promised that it would not cut funding to the disabled, I believe because most people feel that persons with special needs should have those needs met, without becoming destitute or suffering family breakdown. No one believes that parents of children with special needs should have to bear the extraordinary financial cost of caring for them alone.

That is why this government's denial of the de facto cutbacks to families receiving special services at home is so galling. The fact of the matter is that more families with disabled children have to compete with each other for a funding pool that remains at inadequate levels.

While he was in opposition, Mike Harris called for the special services at home budget to be doubled. Since becoming Premier, this government's funding to developmental services has been cut by some $50.4 million. By some strange logic, the minister responsible is somehow proud of restoring just $15 million of that funding.

In four years, families needing support have grown from 9,000 to 13,000. Using simple math, it is clear that most families have had their support drastically reduced. What that means is that many families are on a waiting list or have the minimum of respite from the challenging needs of the disabled children, at great cost to their health and the needs of the rest of their family. This is an injustice that must not continue.

RIVERDALE HOSPITAL

Ms Marilyn Churley (Riverdale): As a result of the Harris government's decision to close by March 2000 the Riverdale Hospital, which is in my riding, more than 250 front-line staff have left their jobs. Many who remain must deal with new duties, lowered staffing levels and reduced wages. I want to congratulate the workers, none the less, for their continued hard work and dedication to the chronic care patients, some of whom have lived in that facility for a very long time.

The Riverdale Hospital has been a vital part of the east Toronto community since 1893. It was built by the city of Toronto on land that is still owned by the city. The land and building are now up for grabs. It is imperative that the Harris government step in and guarantee that it remain in public hands. One of the ideas out there - a letter has been written to Mayor Lastman by the acting president of Local 79 asking that he put in a proposal to turn the facility into one of the new long-term-care facilities. The government announced that 2,200 new beds will be set up over the years. This would be an ideal location.

I don't agree that the hospital should have been closed in its existing form, but that's water under the bridge; it's too late now. I would urge the government to step in and guarantee that this land and this hospital remain in public hands and that that site isn't turned into some developer's dream for a condo or something.

AIR QUALITY

Mr John Hastings (Etobicoke-Rexdale): The Ontario government recognizes the important role that a clean environment can play in attracting jobs and investment. I know that this understanding is shared by everyone in the Legislature.

Our government has given top and high priority to combating the increasingly serious problem of smog. It exacts a severe toll on our health. Its effects are most pronounced on those with respiratory ailments, as well as children and the elderly, all of which costs our health care system.

Smog also affects the economic life of Ontario by damaging crops, vegetation and our materials.

In April, I had the opportunity to attend the launching of an innovative new air quality program, Partners in Air, at Monsignor Johnson High School in my riding of Etobicoke-Rexdale. I was very impressed with the understanding the students have about air quality issues, not to mention their enthusiasm for finding solutions.

I want to take this opportunity to remind the honourable members of an important event taking place this week. It's the sixth annual Clean Air Commute Week. Pollution Probe deserves all our thanks for organizing Clean Air Commute Week as the main events of its Clean Air Campaign, which is supported by the Ministry of the Environment.

A friendly competition will be involved, with workplaces getting points for the efforts of employees to keep our air clean.

GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING

Mr John Gerretsen (Kingston and The Islands): This past week Ontarians all over the province received the government's latest piece of propaganda material. This is at least the third time in the past three months that the government has used taxpayers' money to foster its own partisan, purely political propaganda. If it had been paid for by the Tory party, one could totally understand it, but this has been paid for by taxpayers' money.

We already know that the government is going to ram through, by way of unilateral decision, the new election finance expenses legislation, something that for the last 30 years has always been done on a consensus basis among all parties in the province.

This latest piece of partisan propaganda cost the taxpayers of the province $1.27 million. It claims to be delivering quality health care service to Ontario. I would say to the government, tell that to the people of Toronto, who are going to lose $280 million and $1.5 billion in hospital restructuring, or to the people in Ottawa, who are already out $325 million and are going to lose another $62 million next year, or to the London hospitals, which are going to lose $290 million by the year 2006, or how about the Windsor-Essex hospitals, which are going to lose $20 million by the year 2000?

GOVERNMENT SPENDING

Mr Tony Silipo (Dovercourt): I was interested to note today the release from the Ontario Alternative Budget Working Group, which shows again the true picture of what the government is doing with respect to spending, with respect to how they are reducing the deficit by reducing expenditures over the last three years. Some $3.5 billion has actually been cut from spending. That's how Mike Harris is paying for his tax cut. That's how Mike Harris is dealing, in effect, with the situation in Ontario.

We are seeing example after example, which has been reiterated again in the budget statement from the Ontario Alternative Budget Working Group, an analysis which shows that, among other things, the government's total education spending for 1998-99 is about $1 billion less than what it was for this time last year. It shows the kind of camouflaging and doublespeak that the government continues to use, for example, trumpeting a lot about the $120 million going into tourism promotion for the next four years, which is $30 million a year, but of course forgetting to talk about the $67 million in cuts that the tourism budget has taken this year. Similarly with respect to the summer jobs for youth program: The $50 million announced by the government was trumpeted, but of course they forgot to mention that it was actually $5 million less than was allocated two years ago.

Example after example shows the real cuts that are going on in our system, that people are feeling each and every day in their lives.

EVENTS IN SCARBOROUGH CENTRE

Mr Dan Newman (Scarborough Centre): I'm very pleased to rise today to recognize two recent events involving the private sector that raised money for children's charities.

On May 6, I had the privilege to make Big Macs and French fries in my riding of Scarborough Centre for a worthy cause, McDonald's McHappy Day. I participated in McHappy Day events at the McCowan and Eglinton, Lawrence and Midland and Kingston and Ridgemoor locations of McDonald's. These locations helped to raise several thousand dollars for Ronald McDonald children's charities. In all, over $3 million was raised across Canada.

I'd like to congratulate Terry Brazill and John and Louise Clark, the owner-operators of these McDonald's locations, and their staff for their efforts.

On May 27, the Tim Horton Children's Foundation held its annual Tim Horton Children's Camp Day to raise money for monetarily underprivileged children. The money raised from all coffee sales at Tim Horton's locations across Canada on that day went towards sending these children to camp. I had the privilege to participate in this very worthwhile cause at the Lawrence and Brimley location in my riding of Scarborough Centre.

Iqbal Roshd, the owner of three Tim Horton's in the Scarborough area, raised $6,000 on Camp Day. I'd like to congratulate him and his staff for their outstanding efforts in making our community a better place to live.

Whether it's making hamburgers or serving a cup of coffee, these individuals and their customers deserve to be recognized.

I'd also like to recognize the men and women who have chosen Ontario and Canada to live from Polish Immigrant and Community Services in my riding of Scarborough Centre who are in the west public gallery. I'd like to ask all members to join me in welcoming them to the Legislature today.

ELECTORAL REFORM

Mr Dwight Duncan (Windsor-Walkerville): Today is the day we begin to Americanize our political process. The government is going to force closure on a draconian piece of legislation that will allow them to buy votes. The next election is going to be about money, it's going to be about power; it's going to be about abuse of money and abuse of power. It's about a government that's stacking the deck in its own favour. It's about a government that doesn't believe in debate. It's about a government that puts money ahead of people. It's about a government that has enough money to spend on health care propaganda but can't afford to hire nurses for our hospitals. It's about a government that has no compunction in hiring pollsters and letting the taxpayers subsidize that but won't provide adequate education funding for our schools and our children.

What's happening in this House today is yet another example of a government that's bound, set and determined to put its own stamp on every aspect of political life in this process, without consideration of the consequences, without consideration of fairness. Its only consideration is money. Money's at the bottom line of this government. It's at the bottom line in Niagara Falls. It's the minister's bottom line. It's about a government that'll spend the taxpayers' money for political purposes. This is nothing but trite political garbage and the taxpayers ought not to be paying for it. They should be paying for nurses. They should be paying for teachers. They should be paying for a better quality of life, not this nonsense.

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MUNICIPAL RESTRUCTURING

Mr David Christopherson (Hamilton Centre): My colleague from Hamilton East introduced a bill on June 10 that would have the effect of finally bringing to a conclusion the question of restructuring in Hamilton-Wentworth. We all know what the right thing to do is. The government knows what the right thing is in terms of immediate restructuring. The opposition members know what the proper thing to do is. Even at the risk of taking the Harris government off the hook, the opposition members are prepared to make sure that this gets the priority that it should. But not the government. The government has said that Hamilton-Wentworth is not important. An outraged Bob Morrow, in reacting to the minister's refusal to act, said that Hamilton taxpayers are being abandoned by the Harris government: "Hamilton is being unfairly penalized because of this inaction at Queen's Park."

What is so important in this place right now that the minister can't deal with the real needs that we have in Hamilton-Wentworth? He's got to ram through a brand-new elections act to make sure they can take care of their corporate pals and set up the next election. He's got to make sure that he rams through anti-labour legislation that will effectively cripple the construction industry in the province of Ontario. Both of these get absolutely no public hearing, and the time we're using in this House is so that he can ram that anti-democratic legislation through. In the meantime, Hamilton-Wentworth sits unattended to - services to be cut, taxpayers to pay more money. It's your fault, Minister, and it's unacceptable.

EMANCIPATION DAY

Mr Jim Brown (Scarborough West): Today I will be introducing a bill entitled An Act proclaiming Emancipation Day. Emancipation Day marks the formal destruction of the institution of slavery in the British Empire. It was celebrated by Canadians off and on throughout the 19th century, especially by ex-slaves who arrived in Canada on the Underground Railroad. In 1793, however, about 50 years prior to the British imperial act banning slavery, Ontario's first Lieutenant Governor, John Graves Simcoe, brought in legislation that began the process of dismantling slavery in this country.

Emancipation Day, as Rosemary Sadlier of the Ontario Black History Society will affirm, is a time for all Canadians to reflect on our national heritage in terms of the historical struggle against slavery and racism. It's a time to celebrate the notable achievements of the past, the historic freedoms and protections that we enjoy as citizens of the Dominion of Canada subject to the crown; the triumph of the human spirit which is the underground railroad; the more-than-300-year heritage of Canada's black community; and our unshakeable commitment to the ideals and visions of multiculturalism in contemporary Canadian society.

The Emancipation Day Act, at both the provincial and federal levels, will also celebrate the heroes, both past and present, who fought for human rights such as Dr Martin Luther King Jr.

I hope everyone will support this bill. Let us finally give Emancipation Day royal assent during this, the 30th anniversary of Dr King's martyrdom.

INTRODUCTION OF BILLS

WEST LAMBTON ELECTRIC COMMISSION ACT, 1998

Mr Boushy moved first reading of the following bill:

Bill Pr8, An Act to establish the West Lambton Electric Commission.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Is it the pleasure of the House that the motion carry? Carried.

EMANCIPATION DAY ACT, 1998 / LOI DE 1998 SUR LE JOUR DE L'ÉMANCIPATION

Mr Jim Brown moved first reading of the following bill:

Bill 46, An Act proclaiming Emancipation Day / Projet de loi 46, Loi proclamant le jour de l'émancipation.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Is it the pleasure of the House that the motion carry? Carried.

Mr Jim Brown (Scarborough West): This bill designates August 1 as Emancipation Day to commemorate the abolition of slavery in the British Empire.

Emancipation Day marks the formal destruction of the institution of slavery. It was celebrated by Canadians throughout the 19th century, especially by ex-slaves who arrived in Canada on the underground railroad.

PROTECTION OF CHILDREN ON SCHOOL BUSES ACT, 1998 / LOI DE 1998 SUR LA PROTECTION DES ENFANTS DANS LES AUTOBUS SCOLAIRES

Mr Hoy moved first reading of the following bill:

Bill 47, An Act to amend the Highway Traffic Act to protect children while on school buses / Projet de loi 47, Loi modifiant le Code de la route en vue de protéger les enfants lorsqu'ils sont dans des autobus scolaires.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Is it the pleasure of the House that the motion carry? Carried.

Mr Pat Hoy (Essex-Kent): This bill addresses the long-standing need to protect Ontario's school children. It would provide a conviction mechanism for a vehicle that illegally passes a school bus with its red warning lights flashing.

MOTIONS

APPOINTMENT OF INFORMATION AND PRIVACY COMMISSIONER

Hon Norman W. Sterling (Minister of the Environment, Government House Leader): I move that an humble address be presented to the Lieutenant Governor in Council as follows:

To the Lieutenant Governor in Council -

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): You need consent to move it. Let's get consent.

Is it agreed? Agreed.

Hon Mr Sterling: Thank you very much, Mr Speaker.

I move than an humble address be presented to the Lieutenant Governor in Council as follows:

To the Lieutenant Governor in Council:

We, Her Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Legislative Assembly of the province of Ontario, now assembled, request the appointment of Ann Cavoukian as the Information and Privacy Commissioner for a term of five years, commencing on July 1, 1998, as provided in section 4 of the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, 1987, chapter 25, and

That the address be engrossed and presented to the Lieutenant Governor in Council by the Speaker.

The Speaker: Is it the pleasure of the House that the motion carry? Carried.

I would like to take this opportunity of not only congratulating you, but also introducing you to Ms Cavoukian in the Speaker's gallery right now.

VISITORS

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): I would also like to take this opportunity to introduce to the members of the Legislative Assembly, in the Speaker's gallery, His Excellency Jean Obeo-Coulibaly, ambassador of Côte-d'Ivoire to Canada, accompanied by Mr Peter Dawes, honorary consul general in Toronto, and Rosie, of course.

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ORAL QUESTIONS

ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION

Mr Dominic Agostino (Hamilton East): My question is to the Minister of the Environment. Today another damning report has been released about your atrocious record as Minister of the Environment and your government's atrocious record in protecting Ontario's environment. The report put out by the Canadian Institute for Environmental Law and Policy, which is in front of you, which you have seen and which was sent to you on Friday, talks at length about how you have sold out to polluters in this province.

Among the information: Since 1995, when you took office, fines for corporate polluters have gone from over $3 million in 1995 to less than $1 million in 1997. You have said over and over again that the enforcement branch of your ministry has not been cut. Again you were wrong. This report makes it clear that 27 staff members have been cut from the enforcement branch since 1995, so either you're telling us the truth or they have been sucked up into some big black hole inside your ministry, because they're not out there enforcing the environmental standards in this province.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Question.

Mr Agostino: Minister, you're playing footsie with polluters in this province. Can you tell us today what you're going to do to improve enforcement in Ontario, to beef up the standards and to go after polluters -

The Speaker: Thank you. Minister.

Hon Norman W. Sterling (Minister of the Environment, Government House Leader): I think it's realistic to expect that certain environmental groups are uncomfortable with the changes that our government is making. However, we believe that those changes are for the good.

Of some of the issues which the member opposite has raised, I would point out to him that yes, the total amount of fines has declined in this province, but that's because we have changed the method of doing business in Ontario, the method of complying with environmental laws. We are preventing offences from occurring by issuing firms which are undertaking various matters in this province; we're issuing them orders before the offence takes place. We believe that's much more progressive, in terms of preventing the pollution before it starts, rather than fining and taking somebody to court after it has taken place.

Mr Agostino: What an absolutely ridiculous response from the minister who's in charge of taking care of the environment in this province. Forget the environmental groups. Christina Blizzard, who is not part of an environmental group, who has been kind to your government, said on the weekend that you basically should step aside and that you have a dunce cap as a result of your performance as Minister of the Environment. She is not aligned with any environmental groups. It goes on and on.

Minister, you have cut more regulations than anyone else before you. You have cut more staff than anyone else before you. Clearly, having you as Minister of the Environment is like putting Colonel Sanders in charge of the chicken coop. No one in Ontario can any longer trust you or trust your role as the chief guardian of Ontario's environment. Since you seem incapable of committing to any kind of improvement in regulations or enforcement, will you, again, today commit to beef up the enforcement branch to send out a clear message to your ministry that they are responsible and should go after polluters, or will you continue to stand aside and allow polluters to run the day in Ontario and destroy the health and safety of Ontarians through your lack of action?

Hon Mr Sterling: As I mentioned in my previous response, our government is targeting industries to prevent pollution incidents before they occur or start.

I also want to indicate to the members opposite, notwithstanding that the amount of money we have collected from going through court procedures has fallen, the number of convictions has increased under this government. In other words, notwithstanding the fact that we have become more efficient in our process, the number of convictions has gone up while we have been able to do our processes much more effectively. That is not mentioned in this particular environmental report, but it is the truth.

Mr Agostino: I find the contradiction in your answers amazing. Earlier you said, "While we're working with them to prevent them from causing a problem, we'll lay charges," and that was the excuse why the amount of money has gone down. Now you're saying the number of charges has increased. You can't have it both ways here.

It gets worse. On June 2 you posted on the environmental registry notice of future deregulations of the waste industry in Ontario. You did not learn from the Plastimet fire. What was clear this morning was that your proposed deregulations of June 2 are going to make it easier for storage or movement of PCBs, for storage of hazardous waste, for storage of plastics.

As it continues, you are now proposing regulations that would weaken what is already there, and what caused Plastimet and will cause other similar disasters across Ontario. You have destroyed the work done by governments before you. You have destroyed the foundation that was set by Premier Davis and his government in regard to environmental protection.

Minister, you don't give a damn about the environment in this province. You've abandoned all of your responsibilities. Will you today do the responsible thing, hand in the keys to the limo and allow a minister to take your place who cares about the environment and is committed to environmental protection?

Hon Mr Sterling: It's hard to know where to start in response to such a vacuous question which stabs out in about a thousand different directions but makes little sense.

This government has done more with regard to revamping our regulatory regime -

Interjections.

Hon Mr Sterling: We have nothing to be shy about with regard to our environmental record. As I mentioned before, the convictions have gone up, with less administrative staff but the same number of inspectors.

Interjections.

The Speaker: Come to order, members. I want to hear the minister's response.

Hon Mr Sterling: It's unfortunate the opposition doesn't want to hear what the real truth is about this.

Perhaps I should read what this same organization said about the Liberal government in 1990. They stated that the Liberal Ontario government "has spent more than $40 million but has done little to keep a four-year-old promise that would clean up the province's water." That's what they said about you. What they say about me is perhaps relevant, perhaps irrelevant.

We have done a great deal in this province to improve the environmental laws. We have brought forward laws and regulations which needed revamping, which were 20 years out of date because of the inaction of previous governments. We're proud of what we have done.

HEALTH CARE FUNDING

Mr Sean G. Conway (Renfrew North): My question is to the Minister of Health and it concerns hospital and related health expenditures in various communities across Ontario. Minister, I paid particular attention in recent days to the dialogue between yourself and my colleague Mr Kennedy, the member for York South. I want to pursue his line of questioning with you today.

When I look at my home city of Pembroke, it is very clear from your own data - ministry data and data from the Health Services Restructuring Commission - that after all the restructuring and reinvestments have been made, we in the city of Pembroke will lose on an annual basis about $6.5 million to $7 million in terms of health budget. That's the reality in Pembroke according to your data. Will you confirm that cities like Toronto, London, Hamilton, Ottawa and Windsor, to name but a half dozen other cities, will from this day well into the first decade of the next century have fewer health and hospital dollars to spend on services than they had when you took office but three years ago?

Hon Elizabeth Witmer (Minister of Health): As the member knows, this government has indicated that health care is a priority. It's a priority for people in the province of Ontario. When we were elected we said that we would not decrease health care funding. We were spending $17.4 billion, and today we have indicated, and certainly the budget figures confirm, that we are presently spending $1.2 billion more. We will be spending $18.6 billion. We are doing this despite the fact that the federal government reduced our transfer payments by almost $2 billion.

So certainly people in the province of Ontario are continuing to receive excellent health care. We are reforming the system and we are providing a continuum of care for people in this province.

1400

Mr Conway: Minister, accepting that you will spend $18.6 billion - but God knows, given the accounting of the dollars - but accepting that this is what you're going to spend this year, and noting that you'll make substantially increased investments and health spending in the Metro belt, the so-called 905 area, accepting those two realities, will you stand in your place today and confirm that cities like Toronto, Ottawa, Hamilton, London, Windsor, and yes, my home city of Pembroke, will for years to come be receiving substantially fewer hospital- and health-related dollars than was the case when you took office three years ago?

Hon Mrs Witmer: The member knows that last week his own hospital, Pembroke General Hospital, received an additional $1 million from the Ministry of Health.

I think what we all need to keep in mind is that as we restructure the health system in Ontario we're talking about providing a continuum of care. That starts, obviously, with prevention, it starts with primary care, it includes the hospital sector and, most important, there is the additional focus now on providing the community supports. That includes the long-term-care facilities and the community care services.

Recently we indicated that over the next eight years we would be investing an additional $1.2 billion into long-term-care facilities and services, simply because there had been no awarding of new long-term beds since 1988.

Mr Conway: The minister is right. On Friday her colleague Mr Jordan delivered a $1-million cheque to the Pembroke General Hospital.

Interjections.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Order.

Mr Conway: However, Saturday's Pembroke Observer notes on the front page that the Pembroke General Hospital is now only $3 million in debt. The Pembroke General Hospital, in the one community where a hospital has actually closed, is in the worst financial shape in its 100-year history, largely because of restructuring.

My final question is this: Given the dire straits in which so many hospitals outside of the 905 area find themselves, how is it possible that you and your colleagues in the Harris government would find $1.25 million to print and distribute this pamphlet, representing one of the most shamelessly transparent bits of partisan politics I've ever seen? How is it that you've got $1.25 million worth of government money to invest in this kind of propaganda and you've got no money to assist with hospitals that are crying out for help as they sink under the weight of multimillion-dollar deficits?

Hon Mrs Witmer: As I've said on many occasions, and as most members of this House know, for the public the number one issue of interest is health. This householder, which was distributed to the people in Ontario, is an opportunity for the public to be informed about the health initiatives that have been undertaken. It also serves as a reminder to make sure that you have a health card. It allows an opportunity for the public to respond with input and it also asks for additional information. The public has been saying to us: "We need to know. We want to know what's going on. We want to have an opportunity to provide, and get involved in, a dialogue." We believe this householder is a means of sharing information with the public and receiving good input.

ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION

Ms Marilyn Churley (Riverdale): My question is for the Minister of the Environment. Minister, another week goes by and there is yet another report condemning you and your government's destruction of environmental protection in this province. You had the gall to stand there last week, and again today, and say that your government has the most progressive environmental record in 10 years. Just because you say it over and over again doesn't mean that it reflects reality. Believe me, you're the only one who thinks this.

Yesterday was another bad-air-quality day. There were elevated levels all over the province. Scarborough's air-quality index was 59; Mississauga, 55; Etobicoke South, 49; downtown Toronto, 51; and London, 50. Up to 32 is acceptable and above 50 is considered poor. Minister, it's going to be a very long, hot summer and your government has done absolutely nothing to protect our air. When somebody dies from a smog-related illness, does anybody in your government give a damn?

Hon Norman W. Sterling (Minister of the Environment, Government House Leader): It's unfortunate that the member opposite has taken this approach. We are very concerned with the air quality of the greater Toronto area. We have taken some steps with regard to cleaning up the air in Ontario. Unfortunately, high-air-quality-index days are caused by a combination of weather factors from south of us. I must say that during our period of time in government, we have done more about addressing air quality problems than has been done in the previous 20 years, as was pointed out to us early in our term by the Provincial Auditor.

Ms Churley: I would like to know what substance you're abusing, because I sure would like to have some of it. You're out of touch with reality. It's a free ride for corporate polluters in Mike Harris's Ontario. We've learned in your recent ministry -

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): That's very unparliamentary and I ask the member to withdraw it.

Ms Churley: I withdraw that.

We've learned in your recent ministry reorganization that you've eliminated the conservation and prevention division. It's clear that prevention isn't a priority with this government. We've just learned this. You've slashed enforcement of environmental regulations. It's no wonder that fines for breaking environmental laws in Ontario are at their lowest level in 10 years. Since 1995, the fine total has dropped by two thirds, and you're not involved in any prevention. You're going after small-time offenders and you're letting off the biggest corporate polluters. Why? Because you don't have the technical expertise any more to prosecute serious offences against the environment that affect our health.

Minister, your idea of environmental protection is to simply ask corporate polluters to stop dumping toxic waste into our air and our water. This is unacceptable. When are you going to get it? The public wants clean air, clean land and clean water.

Hon Mr Sterling: We have been doing a great deal with regard to the issues mentioned by the member opposite. As members in this Assembly know, we are in the throes of implementing a vehicle emissions testing program for the province which will include more cars, more trucks and more buses than any other jurisdiction in North America. This is a program which is going to be introduced in a careful manner, because it's very difficult to ensure that it's done fairly and without fraud and gets the reductions we are aiming for in order to improve our air quality.

We started from a great deficit with regard to air quality in this province when we took over the government, and we are doing everything we can to catch up with what we should have been doing maybe five or 10 years ago with regard to air quality in Ontario.

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The Speaker: Final supplementary. The member for Hamilton Centre.

Mr David Christopherson (Hamilton Centre): Minister, time and time again we have persisted in demanding, on behalf of the people of Hamilton, that you call a public inquiry into the Hamilton Plastimet fire. Now we learn that just 20 days ago, on June 2, you placed on the Environmental Bill of Rights registry a draft regulation that will repeat and expand the very mistakes that led to the Plastimet fire; not only that, but your draft legislation goes against the Plastimet recommendations of the Ontario fire marshal.

This broadens the exemption for recycling and hazardous waste sites that helped to create the whole Plastimet situation. Recycling facilities like Plastimet will now have even weaker controls under your new regulations, and you have the nerve to say you're strengthening environmental protections? The public wants you to strengthen, not weaken regulations so situations like Plastimet won't happen.

When are you going to get it? When are you going to at least follow the recommendations of your own fire marshal? When will you ensure that no other innocent community like Hamilton faces a Plastimet fire and call a public inquiry?

Hon Mr Sterling: There's a clear distinction between the responsibilities of the fire code and the ministry's responsibilities for environmental problems. I believe my ministry has reacted in an exemplary way with regard to the Plastimet fire. I have, however, said to the city of Hamilton and the regional municipality of Hamilton-Wentworth that if they want to inquire into a matter which is primarily a matter dealing with why this particular fire started, they have every right to call a public inquiry. I have offered my assistance to them with regard to carrying this through, because I know, because of all the stories and all of the outcome with regard to this, that there have been a lot of questions by the people.

We have concentrated our efforts on providing information to the public about what happened at the fire and also cleaning up the site. We have taken full responsibility for that, notwithstanding the city of Hamilton's reluctance to do so, long before this incident ever happened.

ELECTORAL REFORM

Mr David Christopherson (Hamilton Centre): My question is to the Chair of Management Board. Last Thursday, my leader and I held a news conference that proved once and for all that your attempt to buy the next election wasn't a product of the all-party process; it was dreamed up by the whiz kids in the Premier's office. We found 23 major changes that were not recommended by the election finances commission. Your increase in central spending by $1.3 million wasn't recommended by the commission, your shortening of the campaign period from 37 to 28 days wasn't recommended by the commission, your massive increase in corporate tax breaks for political donations wasn't recommended by the commission, and yet you persist in telling everyone that these recommendations did come from the commission when we know they didn't.

At the very least, as a sign of good faith, will you accept our amendments that remove at least those recommendations that were not part of the election finances commission recommendations?

Hon Chris Hodgson (Chair of the Management Board of Cabinet, Minister of Northern Development and Mines): The member of the third party knows full well that this is an issue that has been around for a number of years. There have been two all-party agreements dating back to 1991 and 1994. The act itself hasn't been updated in 12 years.

He's right that the election finances commission, which had as its chair your past party president, and two representatives from your party, two from the Liberals and two from the Conservatives, recommended that total spending, both riding and the party, be $1.80. We took the Liberal written position that said they wanted the same as the federal, which brings it down to $1.56. As far as leader and tour expenses and polling go, those are the present rules. They were recommended by the commission to be excluded. The only time they have been included was during the 1995 period. Prior to that they were excluded, and after 1996, they have been excluded. That was part of their report.

You're right that we didn't take some of the recommendations. We decided to have a blackout period at the beginning of the campaign because we thought that sounded fairer than what was recommended.

Mr Christopherson: Let's just take a look at one small change that's included in those 23 recommendations that aren't part of the commission's recommendations. Sections 17.1 and 17.3 let a political party pay for a special revision of the voters' list and then get exclusive use of that list. We always thought here in terms of fairness that election officials should provide the same level of service to all the parties, and not special service to those who have rich friends. You're creating a two-tier election process. If you have more money, the commission will give you a better list; if you don't have that money, you get to use the old list. Minister, how does having a more up-to-date list for the rich and an older list for everybody else possibly help democracy?

Hon Mr Hodgson: First, I'd like to correct your preamble. The recommendations from the election finances commission - you're right - did not recommend the abolishment of their commission, but the chief election officer made a recommendation and said we should be consistent with other provinces and not have a commission, which is a saving to the taxpayers of $1 million a year.

The permanent voters' list and access to those lists are part of the chief election officer's report that you can abolish the commission, you can go to a permanent electors' list.

Mr Christopherson: I don't recall asking anything about abolishing the commission. My question was about sections 17.1 and 17.3.

Let's talk about what's going on here. You're attempting to buy the next election. That's what is going on. You've now introduced a motion that shuts down debate - no public hearings, no amendments, no discussion; just you and the Tories deciding what the rules are going to be for the next election.

Your Premier has said in the past that there won't be an election this year. There's no excuse at all why you can't put this bill out for summer hearings. It doesn't take effect until January 1, 1999. There's not going to be an election this fall. Why, then, are you not allowing the public to have a say over the summer months and then bring the bill back in the fall to debate? Minister, stand up and defend such anti-democratic actions.

Hon Mr Hodgson: First, the last time I checked, I believe it's the Premier who calls the election, not the third party, and it's been the same in the history of Ontario. Second, your past president, as chair of the all-party finances committee, said that you should give lots of time for these changes so that all those involved in elections have ample notice and know the rules on the level playing field.

Mr Christopherson: You can't answer my question.

Interjections.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Member for Hamilton Centre, come to order. Minister?

Hon Mr Hodgson: It would have been nice to have all-party agreement. They've had it twice since 1991. Your parties have rejected that. You set up an all-party committee to be at arm's length to report back. The Liberals went out and had a press conference prior to their report even being discussed by the parties in the Legislature presently, disowned their representative, but they did say they wanted the federal rules. We have the same number of ridings because we're reducing the number of MPPs to the federal riding limit, and we took the Liberal recommendation that we go to the federal spending rules.

We couldn't take their recommendation - I don't know whether, by inference, you would go to the federal rules entirely, because you know that at the federal level there's no limit on donations. We feel that you should have limits on donations.

HEALTH CARE FUNDING

Mr James J. Bradley (St Catharines): I have a question for the Minister of Health. At a time when your government has closed 35 hospitals in the province, despite Mike Harris's promise that he wouldn't close any, when you've fired thousands of nurses out the doors of hospitals across Ontario; when there are long waiting lists to get access to home care and long-term care; when patients are still experiencing long waits at hospital emergency departments; when the level of care in hospitals has deteriorated seriously as a direct result of your enormous cuts to hospital operating funding; when you are dumping responsibility for public health and preventive health care programs on to cash-strapped municipalities; when you've dumped financial responsibility for ambulance service, sticking this cost with local government; at this very time you have over $1 million of taxpayers' money to squander on a partisan political propaganda pamphlet to send to all residents of Ontario. Minister, when you and Mike Harris have inflicted so much damage on our health care system in Ontario, how can you justify the Ministry of Health throwing away $1.27 million in Conservative propaganda pamphlets such as this?

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Hon Elizabeth Witmer (Minister of Health): Our government is reforming the health care system in Ontario. That's why we have increased our health spending.

I know mention was just made of the fact that there have been some emergency room overcrowding problems. As members of this House well know, in response to the task force on the emergency room situation, our government did respond and indicate that once and for all we were prepared to deal with the issue of the emergency room situation. We did announce that we would be investing $225 million to ensure that all people coming into emergency rooms could be treated as quickly as possible. In fact, contained within that announcement was our response that we would temporarily ensure that 1,700 long-term-care beds would be available to deal with people who were in acute care beds and should be accommodated elsewhere.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Answer.

Hon Mrs Witmer: It's exactly as a result of the fact that we have made changes to the health care system that we are distributing this -

The Speaker: Supplementary.

Mr Bradley: It seems that Mike Harris is Mr Scrooge when it comes to spending money on hospital operating budgets and he's Santa when it comes to spending money on political propaganda pamphlets. The people of this province want money spent on health care services, not on partisan propaganda. I suspect the civil servants within the Ministry of Health must have had a difficult time stomaching the fact that they would have to allocate $1.270 million on political propaganda when they know the pressures there are for genuine health care services in this province.

Minister, at a time when you have all kinds of money to spend on these propaganda pamphlets, you are making cuts in very significant areas of service. Will you now ask the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario to reimburse your ministry, the Ministry of Health, for $1.270 million that this propaganda pamphlet cost? Will you reimburse your Ministry of Health and will you direct that funding to health care services for the people of this province?

Hon Mrs Witmer: As I say, all governments, regardless of political stripe, have always tried to ensure that people in this province have access to information about new services, new initiatives. The Liberals, in 1989 to 1990, spent a total amount of $43.5 million in advertising, and the NDP when they were in office, February 1995, actually spent $6.6 million to advertise their new Smile Ontario health cards.

This householder, which is being distributed to communities and people across this province, is again an effort to keep the public informed, to make them aware of the changes that are taking place in health care, to introduce them to the new services. It also gives them an opportunity to provide input and also to ask for additional information. So this is another means of communicating with the public in this province.

WASTE DISPOSAL

Ms Marilyn Churley (Riverdale): I have a question for the Minister of the Environment. Last week we learned that Notre Developments corporation has been given conditional approval to use the old Adams mine as a giant dump for Toronto's garbage.

The Environmental Assessment Board decision doesn't cut it, Minister. Your government has compromised the assessment process to such an extent that the board didn't even consider alternatives to the dump. On top of that, you've taken away intervenor funding so that the voices of the community, people who might object to this proposal, can't be heard. You've tried to silence any opposition.

Many concerns have been raised about 3Rs activities if Toronto's garbage goes to the pit in northern Ontario. Unfortunately, your flawed EA didn't even consider the alternatives, such as waste reduction. Will you overturn this flawed decision or will you allow the Premier's friend from North Bay to be permitted to dump Toronto's garbage in northern Ontario?

Hon Norman W. Sterling (Minister of the Environment, Government House Leader): I have just received the Environmental Assessment Board's decision, where they approved the proposed leachate collection and containment system for the Adams mine landfill site. It's subject to a number of specific conditions that the undertaker would have to abide by. I'm in no position to comment further on the matter until my ministry has the opportunity to review it, and then I will be making my decision as to whether or not I would recommend the approval, in accordance with the Environmental Assessment Board's decision, to the cabinet.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Supplementary.

Ms Shelley Martel (Sudbury East): Northerners care about the environment and they are not convinced that there will not be leachate leaking into local groundwater. That was also the reason one of the panel members dissented from the decision.

Northerners also want jobs, and you know full well there is no recycling attached to this. The only thing that happens here is northern Ontario becomes a dumping ground for Toronto's garbage. That's the beginning and the end of job creation.

We want you to urge your cabinet colleagues to turn this proposal down because it's bad for the environment, it does nothing for northern jobs, it does nothing for the northern Ontario economy. Will you commit today that you will turn down this proposal because it does nothing to deal with Toronto's garbage, it only makes northern Ontario a dumping ground for all of Toronto's garbage?

Hon Mr Sterling: As I said in my answer to the first question, I will consider this in light of the laws we have in the province. I will consider it carefully from the point of view of the Environmental Assessment Board's decision and take the very learned advice of my technical staff as to whether this undertaking should be approved.

WOMEN ENTREPRENEURS

Ms Marilyn Mushinski (Scarborough-Ellesmere): My question is for the minister responsible for women's issues. From time to time in this House you've referred to a group known as Partners for Change. I'm wondering if you could provide a little bit more information on this particular program.

Hon Dianne Cunningham (Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs, minister responsible for women's issues): Thank you for the question. Partners for Change is a model for partnership in Ontario. As we know, as we try to focus on the government's priorities for women - that is, safe communities, stopping the violence and women's economic independence - it's incumbent upon all of us to reach out to people who are volunteering, who are showing leadership in their own communities, who are dedicated to solving problems and creating solutions. We look to them for their ideas and their encouragement and their help.

Basically, we're looking at mentors, we're looking at role models for young women, especially those women who want to become economically independent and be responsible, as far as possible, for their own lives. We're very grateful to those who have come forward in communities across the province to partner with us, to help us create an environment for finding solutions.

Ms Mushinski: Minister, in your answer you referred to joint partnership projects which Partners for Change hoped to use to promote women's issues that specifically relate to safe communities and women's economic independence. I have a number of women's groups in my riding of Scarborough-Ellesmere that are particularly interested in these two issues. I wonder if you could give us an example of some of the projects that this particular group is working on.

Hon Mrs Cunningham: This evening we will be launching one of our partnership projects which has already won major awards across our province. It's an unofficial release. Some weeks ago we learned about Women Entrepreneurs: Making a Difference. It's a 24-minute video that all of us will be able to use, and others in our communities in education in particular, which produces a positive impact on young people as they seek to become entrepreneurs. It focuses on the unique challenges faced by four women entrepreneurs.

It's basically with the spirit and leadership of Pixie Bigelow that we have this talent. She will go on, we hope, to produce even more videos that can be helpful to us as resources as we look for mentors and role models. Her next effort, I hope, will be to focus on young Canadian women entrepreneurs, and we're looking forward to ongoing support with our partners to create these opportunities.

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HEALTH CARE FUNDING

Mr Dwight Duncan (Windsor-Walkerville): I want to pursue with the Minister of Health some information that we published last week with respect to hospital communities throughout Ontario. In Hamilton, Kitchener-Waterloo, London, Ottawa, Toronto, and my home of Windsor, the government's total announcements to date in terms of hospital closures, emergency room closures and its so-called reinvestments have meant net cuts to all those communities in the tens of millions of dollars. In my own community the net cut has been $46 million from operating budgets. Just so the minister understands, that means waiting in emergency rooms, that means delay in care, that means lack of home service, that means lack of long-term-care beds.

What will you do to address the shortfall in operating funding in my community that will cost us $46 million every year? What will you do to assure my community that those hospitals will continue to be able to offer the type of care that the people of my community deserve and ought to be able to expect?

Hon Elizabeth Witmer (Minister of Health): I see that there's a little bit of confusion. Sometimes we're using figures that are relating just to hospitals and other times we're bringing in community care services and long-term-care services. It's important that we recognize the fact that as we reform the system of health in Ontario, obviously we are going to be designating the dollars that are spent on health - which, I have said before, is more than a $1.2 billion increase since we took office - to the appropriate service so that people in this province can have access to the services they most need.

I think we need to recognize too, when we talk about hospitals, we know that today, for example, there is a need for fewer beds in hospitals because 70% of surgery is day surgery.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Answer.

Hon Mrs Witmer: To the member opposite, when we talk about Windsor, our government has invested in your community, Essex county -

The Speaker: Supplementary.

Mr Duncan: Your numbers are an absolute phoney disgrace. You're using propaganda instead of reality. By your own numbers, you are cutting -

Interjections.

The Speaker: Stop the clock. Order. Member for Windsor-Walkerville.

Mr Duncan: You are cutting $46 million net, and that's after all your so-called reinvestments. That means our hospitals cannot provide the level of service they need to, even under your projections for the future. All the while you have time to spend $1.2 million on useless propaganda that has nothing to do with informing the public. The people in my community know. They know because their emergency rooms are a disaster, they know because they can't access coronary care, they know because there are not enough home care services, they know because there are not enough long-term-care beds and there won't be until well into the next century.

What are you going to do? Instead of hiding and using propaganda and false statistics, will you commit to reinvesting that $46 million not 10 years from now, but now, to ensure that the people -

The Speaker: Thank you.

Hon Mrs Witmer: One of the things that we're not quite sure of is where some of these numbers that are being used from the party opposite are even coming from. I think it's absolutely essential, when we use information, that we at least base it on some fact. I have an example here of some of the information. Mr Kennedy says, for example, in the GTA-905 area the government gave $29,212 in -

Interjections.

The Speaker: Minister?

Hon Mrs Witmer: As I said before, in terms of some of the numbers that are being thrown about, we're not quite sure where they're coming from. I would just refer to the fact that Mr Kennedy made a couple of comments, and the reality of what was said and what actually happened are quite different.

The Speaker: Answer.

Hon Mrs Witmer: GTA: He said government gave $29,212. The reality is that the ministry invested $3 million -

The Speaker: Thank you.

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LABOUR LEGISLATION

Mr David Christopherson (Hamilton Centre): My question is to the Minister of Labour. Minister, it's bad enough that your Bill 31 takes the Mike Harris attack on unions and workers to a new level, but it's absolutely unbelievable that you're doing this without any opportunity for anyone to have a say in what that law will be. You just introduced it 18 days ago, and with no public hearings and no amendments you're going to ram it through tomorrow night. In part of the bill, you pretended to negotiate with the construction trades, but then you betrayed them; on the rest of it, you met in secret with your corporate pals and didn't even meet with the people who represent the workers.

Last Thursday we saw 500 workers drop their tools in Sarnia because they were protesting, in the only way left, the legislation that's damning their livelihoods, Bill 31. Minister, why shouldn't workers respond to what happened in Sarnia all across the province, in light of what you're doing to workers' rights?

Interruption.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Clear the galleries. All of you, you've got to go, everybody in the gallery. You're all going, folks. Everybody in the gallery has got to be cleared.

Minister?

Hon Jim Flaherty (Minister of Labour, Solicitor General and Minister of Correctional Services): Bill 31, if passed, would ensure that Ontario is competitive in the industrial sector in construction prices.

We have experienced a situation, particularly in Sarnia-Lambton, where unanimity has been required pursuant to the province-wide construction agreement, that 10 out of 12 trades have agreed and yet a project has not gone forward because of the absence of unanimity. This bill is designed to create a framework where 60% of the building trade unions could agree on a specific project, which would result in that project going ahead. That's good news for skilled workers in Ontario.

Mr Christopherson: Minister, you can take some small comfort from the fact that your colleagues and you were saved from the wrath of workers because they have been tossed out of this Legislature, but let me tell you, you get out on that election trail and you're not going to be able to run away from them. You're going to have to answer to these workers as to why you rammed through Bill 31, taking away their rights, lowering their wages, and you didn't give them one minute of opportunity to have a public say.

In responding to a question last week, your Deputy Premier bragged about the fact that 92% of all construction jobs created in Canada were created right here in Ontario, yet you want us to believe -

Interjections.

The Speaker: Stop the clock.

Member for Hamilton Centre?

Mr Christopherson: My point in raising that is that the government can't have it both ways. You can't stand up and say you've got 92% of the construction jobs coming to this province, and then, on the other hand, say there's such a crisis in the construction industry that you've got no choice but to take away people's democratic rights and ram through legislation without giving them a say. It doesn't work that way, and you're not going to be able to put through this phoney crisis as a shield.

Make no mistake. Our party, if we form a government, will scrap Bill 31 in a heartbeat. Will you do the right thing and withdraw that bill now?

Hon Mr Flaherty: It should be noted that the government relations director of the building trades council made it clear on June 5, "In principle, we've agreed with helping to attract investment to Ontario through project agreements." That's for a very good reason, because this legislation has the potential, according to the Canadian Chemical Producers Association, to attract more than 42,500 jobs to this province. I have no reason to apologize to the workers or to the New Democratic Party for helping to create good union jobs in the province of Ontario.

The Timmins Daily Press reviewed the legislation and reported, "We would applaud the decision of the Progressive Conservatives to balance the rights of business with those of labour to ensure that the province will attract more business and more jobs."

The Sarnia Observer said, "A new provincial bill introduced Thursday is good news for Sarnia-Lambton."

All around the province they understand that this means good union jobs for the skilled workers of Ontario.

TELEMARKETING PRACTICES

Mr Jim Brown (Scarborough West): I have a question for the Minister of Consumer and Commercial Relations. One of my constituents recently received a bingo card in the mail. It seemed to offer the opportunity of winning up to $5,000. The only problem was that on the back, in the fine print, the person had to dial a 1-900 number that was going to cost $4 a minute. That would mean that person would be spending $24 to find out that they probably didn't win anything. Minister, what is your ministry doing to prevent these types of scratch-and-win scams from victimizing Ontario residents?

Hon David H. Tsubouchi (Minister of Consumer and Commercial Relations): I'd like to thank the member for Scarborough West for the question. This is an issue of concern to me and our ministry. I have to tell you that we've seen several of these so-called contests crop up over the last year or so, and we are monitoring the situation very closely. In fact, just two months ago, last April, we issued a consumer advisory to make sure that people were aware of the scratch-and-win cards.

I'd also like to repeat that you can't win a contest you didn't enter. That's quite the norm with these things. What happens is that they send you a card. These are unsolicited cards. People must read the fine print on these just to make sure.

As the member indicated, most of these cards are marked as "winner," which is designed to induce the person to call the 1-900 number and get them to pay all kinds of money in phone charges, which goes right into the operator's pocket.

If it's something that's too good be true, it is. Consumers who believe that some sort of prize is misleading should contact the ministry and certainly local law enforcement agencies.

Mr Jim Brown: I agree that consumer alerts and educational campaigns are a good start, but what stronger measures can your ministry put in place to stop this?

Hon Mr Tsubouchi: We have worked on a very important initiative, along with the minister responsible for seniors issues. We've worked together on an initiative called Phonebusters. Phonebusters is really the brainchild of Sergeant Barry Elliott of the OPP.

Interjections.

The Speaker (Hon Chris Stockwell): Order.

Hon Mr Tsubouchi: It's interesting that they don't like the name Phonebusters. I should tell you who came up with this: Sergeant Barry Elliott of the OPP, who has taken the lead against fraud against seniors in this country through telemarketing. It's his initiative. I'm very proud to support this initiative. The OPP, along with Sergeant Elliott, have taken a lead across the country to try to do something about seniors fraud in telemarketing. About 60% of the time seniors are targeted by these groups. But I must tell you that over the last year or so, because of Phonebusters, because of this great initiative, we've reduced the telemarketing fraud in this province by over 40%.

It can't stop here. We've had discussions with my colleagues across this country, with other provinces, who are interested in our initiative. We are assisting them and we are also going forward with talks with some of the states in the United States.

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MENTAL HEALTH SERVICES

Mrs Lyn McLeod (Fort William): My question is to the Minister of Health. A few days ago, Thunder Bay residents packed a town hall meeting that was called to discuss mental health services. They came to express their concerns and they came to make sure that those with mental illness don't get shoved on to a back burner when your restructuring commission finishes issuing its orders to close our psychiatric hospitals. People remember the last time a Conservative government shut down psychiatric beds. That was in 1973, and 25 years later, we still have psychiatric patients on the streets of our community who are seeking a bed in an emergency shelter. We don't want that to happen again. Minister, will you act immediately to establish a mental health agency, community-based, that will listen and respond to the needs of our community?

Hon Elizabeth Witmer (Minister of Health): Yes, I did actually communicate to people in your community, through your colleague in the neighbouring riding, when the meeting was held just recently. I certainly am aware of the concerns they have. As you know, we have gone through changes in this province relating to mental health. Unfortunately, all previous governments had not put in place the appropriate community supports, so we have put a moratorium on the closing of psychiatric beds until such time as we can be assured that we have the appropriate community services in place to support the individuals who require the 24-hour care. Certainly I would say to you that we will move ahead in your community and ensure that the appropriate care is there for all the people who need it.

Mrs McLeod: We understand that the minister is not going to shut down beds until community support services are in place. I didn't get an answer to the question about how we're going to decide what community supports are needed. I can tell you that the answer that they're not going to shut down the hospital until supports are in place doesn't ease people's concerns about what's going to be left when the psychiatric hospital is gone or the beds are shut down.

Community services is too easy a catch-all and too many real people can fall through the cracks. One of the groups of people in our community that is falling through the cracks right now are people with acquired brain injuries. They are one of the groups mentioned in your $1.2-million propaganda piece that went out across the province this week. Those people in our community are in psychiatric hospitals now in many cases because there's no place else for them, or they are in homes for the aged even though they are young, or they are in home settings where they're being cared for by stressed family members. There are only three individuals who are getting community-based support now in care settings; there are 47 people on the list.

Will you give me an assurance today, a guarantee, that there will be community placements available for all 47 people who are now on that waiting list with acquired brain injuries and for any others who need support in the future?

Hon Mrs Witmer: As you know, my predecessor, the Honourable Jim Wilson, undertook to bring all the acquired brain injury patients back to this province, because previous governments had determined that treatment would be provided in the States. We are going to be providing the appropriate level of services, not only to bring people back but to ensure that these people that are presently in Ontario get and receive the level of treatment they need as well.

PETITIONS

HEALTH CARE

Mr Mario Sergio (Yorkview): I have a petition addressed to the Legislature regarding the privatization of health care.

"To the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:

"Whereas we are concerned about the quality of health care in Ontario;

"Whereas we do not believe health care should be for sale;

"Whereas the Mike Harris government is taking steps to allow profit-driven companies to provide health care services in Ontario;

"Whereas we won't stand for profits over people;

"We, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:

"Do not privatize our health care services."

I concur and I will affix my signature to it.

ABORTION

Mr Bob Wood (London South): I have a petition signed by 175 people.

"Whereas the Ontario health system is overburdened and unnecessary spending must be cut; and

"Whereas pregnancy is not a disease, injury or illness and abortions are not therapeutic procedures; and

"Whereas the vast majority of abortions are done for reasons of convenience or finance; and

"Whereas the province has exclusive authority to determine what services will be insured; and

"Whereas the Canada Health Act does not require funding for elective procedures; and

"Whereas there is mounting evidence that abortion is in fact hazardous to women's health; and

"Whereas Ontario taxpayers funded over 45,000 abortions in 1993 at an estimated cost of $25 million;

"Therefore we, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario to cease from providing any taxpayers' dollars for the performance of abortions."

HOSPITAL RESTRUCTURING

Mr John Gerretsen (Kingston and The Islands): This petition and similar petitions have some 70,000 names on them. It is addressed to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario and it deals with:

"Save the Hotel Dieu Hospital in Kingston, Ontario.

"The Health Services Restructuring Commission is recommending to the Ministry of Health that the Hotel Dieu Hospital be closed and that the Sisters of the Religious Hospitalers of St Joseph cease to govern and manage their hospital. If the ministry acts upon this recommendation, access to high-quality health care will be seriously undermined in Kingston and region.

"The sisters are recognized for their leadership in the health care community. They have developed the plan for and operated an efficient outpatient teaching hospital and have provided the high quality of patient care for 153 years. Their distinct values and philosophy, coupled with the sisters' tradition of compassionate care, must not disappear.

"The HSRC recommendations, which call for the dismissal of the sisters from their role in the governance and management of outpatient health care at the Hotel Dieu Hospital, are not in the best interests of the patients and families in this city and region. The people of Kingston deserve to have access to the kind of quality health care for which the sisters are recognized across Canada.

"Those who must use public transportation to get to outpatient clinics will be seriously affected. The taxpayers should not have to shoulder any extra burden in paying for the new outpatient facility when the Hotel Dieu site can accommodate the needs of the people of Kingston. The downtown businesses will suffer greatly should the site be closed."

It therefore recommends that users of the Hotel Dieu Hospital are asked to help them in the response to the commission by signing this petition so that the hospital will not be closed.

I proudly sign my name to this petition as well.

PROTECTION FOR HEALTH CARE WORKERS

Mr Ernie Hardeman (Oxford): I have a petition to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:

"Whereas nurses in Ontario often experience coercion to participate in practices which directly contravene their deeply held ethical standards; and

"Whereas pharmacists in Ontario are often pressured to dispense and/or sell chemicals and/or devices contrary to their moral or religious beliefs; and

"Whereas public health workers in Ontario are expected to assist in providing controversial services and promoting controversial materials against their consciences; and

"Whereas physicians in Ontario often experience pressure to give referrals for medications, treatments and/or procedures which they believe to be gravely immoral; and

"Whereas competent health care workers and students in various health care disciplines in Ontario have been denied training, employment, continued employment and advancement in their intended fields and suffered other forms of unjust discrimination because of the dictates of their consciences; and

"Whereas the health care workers experiencing such unjust discrimination have at present no practical and accessible legal means to protect themselves;

"We, the undersigned, urge the government of Ontario to enact legislation explicitly recognizing the freedom of conscience of health care workers, prohibiting coercion of and unjust discrimination against health care workers because of their refusal to participate in matters contrary to the dictates of their consciences and establishing penalties for such coercion and unjust discrimination."

It is signed by a great number of my constituents and was taken up by the Christian Reformed Church.

MENTAL HEALTH SERVICES

Mr Michael Gravelle (Port Arthur): "To the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:

"Whereas proper mental health care is essential to all Ontarians; and

"Whereas mental health care is severely underfunded in northwestern Ontario; and

"Whereas the Health Services Restructuring Commission has called for the closure of the Lakehead Psychiatric Hospital with no replacement services in its place; and

"Whereas appropriate community mental health treatment is so lacking in northwestern Ontario that those who need treatment, support and rehabilitation are incarcerated in district jails; and

"Whereas the Ministry of Health has not delivered on its commitment to set up the Northwestern Ontario Mental Health Agency over one year after it promised to do so; and

"Whereas there is a dramatic shortage of psychiatrists in northwestern Ontario, to the point where the doctors are severely overworked; and

"Whereas the Ministry of Health promised a 12-bed adolescent treatment centre and has failed to deliver on that promise;

"Therefore we, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario to commit those funds necessary to provide full and proper mental health care to those in need in northwestern Ontario and call on the Minister of Health to cancel the closure of the Lakehead Psychiatric Hospital."

I'm pleased to sign that petition.

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ABORTION

Mr John R. Baird (Nepean): I am presenting on behalf of my colleague the member for Carleton and on behalf of my constituent Deborah LaRiccia from St John the Apostle Church, and collected from St John the Evangelist and St Hyacinthe, a petition which reads as follows:

"Whereas the Ontario health system is overburdened and unnecessary spending must be cut; and

"Whereas pregnancy is not a disease, injury or illness and abortions are not therapeutic procedures; and

"Whereas the vast majority of abortions are done for reasons of convenience or finance; and

"Whereas the province has exclusive authority to determine what services will be insured; and

"Whereas the Canada Health Act does not require funding for elective procedures; and

"Whereas there is mounting evidence that abortion is in fact hazardous to women's health; and

"Whereas Ontario taxpayers funded over 45,000 abortions in 1993 at an estimated cost of $25 million;

"Therefore we, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario to cease from providing any taxpayers' dollars for the performance of abortions."

I am pleased to submit them on behalf of myself and the member for Carleton.

Mr Dwight Duncan (Windsor-Walkerville): "To the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:

"Whereas Ontario taxpayers funded over 45,000 abortions in 1993 at an estimated cost of $25 million; and

"Whereas pregnancy is not a disease, injury, or illness, and abortions are not therapeutic procedures; and

"Whereas the vast majority of abortions are done for reasons of convenience or finance; and

"Whereas the province has the exclusive authority to determine what services will be insured; and

"Whereas the Canada Health Act does not require funding for elective procedures; and

"Whereas there is mounting evidence that abortion is in fact hazardous to women's health;

"Therefore we, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario to cease from providing any taxpayers' dollars for the performance of abortions."

LAND USE PLANNING

Mr David Tilson (Dufferin-Peel): I have a petition from over a thousand students from the grade 5-6 classes in Dufferin county where the teacher is Linda Lockyer.

"To the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:

"Whereas old growth and wetlands ecosystems are necessary to maintain biodiversity in the province of Ontario; and

"Whereas all industrial activity should be permanently excluded from these areas by law; and

"Whereas our government has a responsibility to protect these ecosystems for us and for future generations,

"We, the undersigned students of Dufferin county, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario under the Lands for Life planning process to protect at least 30% to 35% of publicly owned lands and waters as provincial parks, conservation reserves, roadless wilderness or remote tourism areas."

I have signed this petition.

PROTECTION FOR HEALTH CARE WORKERS

Mr Richard Patten (Ottawa Centre): I have a petition to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:

"Whereas nurses in Ontario often experience coercion to participate in practices which directly contravene their deeply held ethical standards; and

"Whereas pharmacists in Ontario are often pressured to dispense or sell chemicals or devices contrary to their moral or religious beliefs; and

"Whereas public health workers in Ontario are expected to assist in providing controversial services and promoting controversial materials against their consciences...."

There are three other "whereases," and then,

"We, the undersigned, urge the government of Ontario to enact legislation explicitly recognizing the freedom of conscience of health care workers, prohibiting coercion of and unjust discrimination against health care workers because of their refusal to participate in matters contrary to the dictates of their consciences and establishing penalties for such coercion and unjust discrimination."

Mr Joseph Spina (Brampton North): I'm presenting a petition from a number of seniors in Minister Clement's riding, Brampton South, similar to the last one regarding nurses, pharmacists, public health workers, physicians and other health care workers who experience discrimination:

"We, the undersigned, urge the government of Ontario to enact legislation explicitly recognizing the freedom of conscience of health care workers, prohibiting coercion of and unjust discrimination against health care workers because of their refusal to participate in matters contrary to the dictates of their consciences and establishing penalties for such coercion and unjust discrimination."

To that I do afix my signature.

CHILD CARE

Mr Frank Miclash (Kenora): I have a petition that reads:

"To the Legislative Assembly of Ontario:

"We, the undersigned, petition the Conservative government through the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as follows:

"That the government of Ontario hereby stop child care cutbacks as funding cutbacks will affect the availability of professionally run child care programs, resource centres and services for children with special needs."

I've added my name to that petition as well.

PROTECTION FOR HEALTH CARE WORKERS / PROTECTION POUR TRAVAILLEURS DES SOINS DE SANTÉ

Mr Ted Arnott (Wellington): I have a petition which I'm presenting on behalf of the member for Waterloo North who, as Minister of Health, is, as you know, unable to present petitions in this House. It urges the government of Ontario to enact legislation explicitly recognizing the freedom of conscience of health care workers, prohibiting coercion of and unjust discrimination against health care workers because of their refusal to participate in matters contrary to the dictates of their consciences and establishing penalties for such coercion and unjust discrimination. It's signed by a number of constituents in the Kitchener-Waterloo area.

Mr Jean-Marc Lalonde (Prescott and Russell) : J'ai ici une pétition signée par plusieurs citoyens et citoyennes de la région de Plantegenet et de Hawkesbury.

«À l'attention de l'Assemblée législative de l'Ontario :

«Attendu que des infirmiers et infirmières de l'Ontario éprouvent souvent de la contrainte de participer à des actes qui vont directement à l'encontre de leurs normes éthiques qui font partie de leurs convictions profondes ;

«Attendu que des pharmaciens et pharmaciennes de l'Ontario éprouvent souvent de la contrainte à préparer ou à vendre des produits chimiques ou des dispositifs contraires à leurs croyances morales et religieuses ;

«Attendu qu'il est demandé à des travailleurs et travailleuses de la santé publique de l'Ontario qu'ils fournissent des services controversés et fassent de la promotion de documentation contre leur conscience ;

«Attendu que les travailleurs et travailleuses des soins de santé qui font l'objet de ces distinctions injustes ne disposent à l'heure actuelle d'aucun moyen pratique ou légal de se protéger ;

«Nous, les soussignés, insistons vivement auprès du parlement de l'Ontario afin qu'il édicte une loi qui reconnaisse explicitement la liberté de conscience des travailleurs et travailleuses des soins de santé et élimine la coercition représentée par une distinction injuste contre les travailleurs et travailleuses des soins de santé en raison de leur refus de participer à des matières ou à des actes contraires à leur conscience et établissent des pénalités pour ce genre de contrainte et distinction injustes.»

J'y ajoute ma signature.

PORT DOVER HARBOUR MUSEUM

Mr Toby Barrett (Norfolk): I have an additional 500 signatures on a petition entitled "Open the Museum," signatures from Port Rowan, Simcoe, Waterford, Delhi, Tillsonburg, Port Dover and many other communities.

"Whereas the Port Dover Harbour Museum addition was built with taxpayers' dollars in 1992 but has never opened to the public; and

"Whereas jobs in tourism, fishing and the marine industry are key to our area economy and way of life; and

"Whereas lawsuits, regulations and red tape have kept the museum closed; and

"Whereas all four levels of government and their attendant bureaucracies have proven incapable of opening the museum;

"We, the undersigned, hereby petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario to cut through the red tape and open the new addition to the Port Dover Harbour Museum."

I agree with this petition and hereby affix my signature to it.

HIGHWAY SAFETY

Mr Frank Miclash (Kenora): I have a petition to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario.

"Whereas the Ministry of Transportation is intent on reducing northern winter road maintenance services; and

"Whereas such downgrading places the lives of northern residents at undue and unnecessary risk;

"We, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario to disallow these reductions in service and to guarantee that winter roads across northern regions of the province receive the necessary maintenance to ensure the safe passage of drivers."

I have attached my name to that petition as well.

GAS WELLS

Mr Toby Barrett (Norfolk): I have received yet another 500 petitions from farmers opposed to registration of private gas wells.

"Whereas new regulations require the registration and licensing of all gas wells by June 27, 1998;

"Whereas most private gas wells in Ontario have been abandoned or are of marginal economic value;

"Whereas the plugging of private gas wells to industry standards is expensive and not necessarily justified environmentally; and

"Whereas in recent years there has been little communication, understanding and trust between the Ministry of Natural Resources petroleum division and area farmers, land owners and gas well drillers;

"We, the undersigned, petition the Legislative Assembly of Ontario to exempt existing private-use gas wells from requirements under the Oil, Gas and Salt Resources Act and concentrate resources on detecting, preventing and rectifying any environmental risk or impact of these existing or new gas wells."

I sign this petition.

1510

ORDERS OF THE DAY

TIME ALLOCATION

Hon Isabel Bassett (Minister of Citizenship, Culture and Recreation): I move that, pursuant to standing order 46 and notwithstanding any other standing order or special order of the House relating to Bill 36, An Act to amend the Election Act and Election Finances Act, and to make related amendments to other statutes, when Bill 36 is next called as a government order, the Speaker shall put every question necessary to dispose of the second reading stage of the bill, without further debate or amendment; and at such time, the bill shall be ordered for third reading;

That the order for third reading of the bill shall then immediately be called and two hours shall be allotted to the third reading stage of the bill;

That, at the end of that time, the Speaker shall interrupt the proceedings and shall put every question necessary to dispose of the third reading stage of the bill without further debate or amendment;

That, in the case of any division relating to any proceeding on the bill, the division bells shall be limited to five minutes; and

That the vote on third reading of the bill may, at the request of any chief whip of a recognized party in the House, be deferred until the next sessional day during the routine proceeding "deferred votes."

Mr Speaker, I'll be sharing my time with the member for Muskoka-Georgian Bay and the member for Northumberland.

Mr Bill Grimmett (Muskoka-Georgian Bay): I am pleased to speak to the motion today. In beginning the debate on the need for time allocation on Bill 36, I would like to start with the memo sent by the Commission on Election Finances and received by the government House leader on January 26, 1998. In this memo, the Commission on Election Finances makes it very clear that they want this legislation to move ahead quickly. I'll quote from the memo:

"The existing Election Finances Act has not been updated since 1986. The commission has prepared a comprehensive package of amendments. The proposed amendments are intended to address problems that have arisen, bring dollar values in line with current conditions, streamline administration and clarify the language.

"A meeting was held with representatives of the House leaders on March 27, 1997. At the meeting, some of the more important amendments were reviewed and questions answered. A copy of the briefing notes is attached. The commission offered to clarify the rationale for any of its proposals and to be available to meet with individuals or groups studying or drafting proposed amendments."

And here I think is the crucial issue:

"The issue of timing was emphasized. The commission, parties, constituency associations, volunteers and chartered accountants must have sufficient time to become familiar with changes in the legislation before the next election. I am seeking a meeting with each of the House leaders to restate the need for amendments to the act. Early passage of amendments would permit the necessary work to be done to implement the updated legislation prior to the next general election."

That memo was signed by Jack Murray, who is the chair of the Commission on Election Finances. I think it's been well documented in the debate on second reading of Bill 36 that Jack Murray is a past president of the New Democratic Party and that the Commission on Election Finances is one that has a balance of members from each of the three parties in Ontario, so you see that there is a consensus that emerged on the commission, ever since 1994, on the need for changes in the election rules.

During the debate we've heard a number of arguments from the opposition against the proposed legislation. I don't know the number of hours we've spent on debate so far, but the arguments have emerged and get very cyclical, very repetitive. For example, from the Liberal Party there's been a concern about the spending limits, despite the fact that the spending limits recommended in the legislation are exactly what was requested by the member for Windsor-Walkerville in his letter of March 17, 1998. On St Patrick's Day of this year he wrote to our government House leader and said:

"Dear Minister:

"I'm writing in regard to the changes to the Election Finances Act proposed by the Commission on Election Finances. Dalton McGuinty has asked me to take the lead for the Liberal caucus on this issue.

"While I believe that a review of the act is timely, given the government's elimination of 27 ridings, I'm extremely concerned with some of the changes proposed by the commission.

"I'm particularly concerned with the massive increase in the per riding election expense limits and the elimination of the campaign blackout period for election advertising. I was very disturbed to read in the Toronto Star on February 21, 1998, that Norm Sterling believed that the commission's proposed 80% increase in per riding expense limits to an average limit of $98,000 per riding was reasonable.

"The government argued quite strongly during the debate on Bill 81, the bill that eliminated 27 ridings, that if the federal ridings were good enough for the federal government, then they were good enough for the provincial government." Here is the crucial sentence: "Liberals ask, if the federal expense limits were high enough for the recent federal election campaign, why are they not high enough for Mike Harris?"

They are, and we've adopted those federal government limits right in our legislation. There has been some suggestion that the federal government limits are not what is in this legislation; in fact they're a little bit higher at the federal level than what we've suggested.

This information is confirmed in a statement that came from Elections Canada very recently, "Actual Election Expense Limits for Registered Political Parties in the 1997 Federal Election." These are the limits that were put out by Elections Canada and each party was subject to them. Parties that had representation in 301 electoral districts in Canada averaged 60.57 cents per voter. As has been acknowledged in this debate, Bill 36 proposes that only 60 cents per voter be allowed in Ontario, so we are actually under the federal limits as is confirmed by this Elections Canada memo.

There has been some discussion in the debate, and it has got quite repetitive, that the suggested minimum of 28 days is not enough time to wage an election in Ontario. I think I can say with some certainty that a vast majority of the people in my riding would not be at all concerned about an election campaign being reduced from 42 or 37 days, as has been the case in the past - I believe the 1995 election was 42 days - down to 28 days, because it seems to me that most people I spoke to during the 1995 campaign had little or no interest in the campaign until the last 10 or 15 days.

Mr Tony Silipo (Dovercourt): Why don't we go with a 10-day campaign?

Mr Grimmett: There's been a suggestion that maybe we should go to a 10-day campaign. That's unrealistic, because I think 28 days is the number that's used in several jurisdictions in Canada now. The chief election officer of Ontario recommended the 28 days. We could save nine days in the election campaign by having a permanent voters' list. There wouldn't be the need during that first nine days for everybody to wait for the election list and for the enumeration to be done.

If you look at the number of days in the elections across Canada, the minimum is 21 in Newfoundland, and I think we're agreed in this House that probably is not a long enough time in some of the ridings of Ontario. The member for Renfrew North indicated that in his riding 28 days wouldn't be enough to get around. I commented already once and I'll comment again that in some of the larger ridings of Ontario - and my riding is not the largest, but it is probably in the largest 15 or 20 ridings - 28 days wouldn't be enough to get around and have a real, meaningful conversation with every constituent. I'll grant the member for Renfrew North that. But realistically, an election campaign of 28 days - and that's if the minimum were chosen - is enough time for members to get the necessary information out to their constituents on what their position is, what position they take on the major issues, and that's presumably what the elections will be waged on and decided on.

1520

There has been a lot of interest and discussion as well about contribution limits, and it bears repeating that at the federal level in Canada - I think this would be some surprise to people watching - there is no limit to the amount of money that people can contribute to their riding association or to the central party. We in Ontario have a history of imposing these limits, and what we're proposing in Bill 36 has been recommended by other non-political parties. When you look at the spending and contribution limits in other jurisdictions, it seems very reasonable.

It has been mentioned by the member for Niagara South that Ontario's contribution and spending limits look quite modest when you compare them with other jurisdictions such as Manitoba or Newfoundland. He has said in jest that the last thing we need in Ontario is Manitoba- or Newfoundland-style politics. I think he was making that point because to some extent the concern raised by the opposition that we're moving towards an American-style election process in Canada is rather silly, especially when you look at the comparison of what we're recommending in Bill 36 with what exists already in other Canadian jurisdictions, not only at the federal level but also in other provinces.

It's important to remember that this legislation is actually the result of a long series of discussions that have gone on in Ontario about electoral reform, and that discussion most recently, since the 1986 legislation was put out - the discussion about the need for reform in the electoral process began as early as 1991. At that time there was a three-person ad hoc committee, one member from each party, put together. They managed to reach consensus and they proposed some changes. Then there were the recommendations of the chief election officer, and his most recent report came out quite recently.

Most fundamentally, most of the changes that are contained in Bill 36 are similar to changes that were recommended by the Commission on Election Finances. In their report, which was tabled in the Legislature on April 25, 1994, they indicated that there was an opportunity to create a permanent voters' list, and this was underlined by Mr Bailie, the Ontario chief election officer. A permanent voters' list is something that the opposition have indicated they think is a good idea as well.

That is one of the reasons why we need time allocation on this legislation. We need to move ahead with the permanent voters' list. Not only does it allow us to shorten the length of the election campaign and eliminate that nine-day period at the beginning of the election campaign when everyone's waiting around for the voters' list and for the enumeration process to be completed, but it also gives Ontario a chance to save its taxpayers $10 million every election.

This is something that is long overdue. It's a logical follow-up to the Fewer Politicians Act, which we passed in this Legislature in the last session and which has led to larger ridings, ridings which have a larger number of registered voters and a larger population in each riding. Given that we now have larger ridings, it's logical that we should move ahead with this legislation to change the electoral law and we should move ahead on a timely basis. That has been underlined in the memo from the Commission on Election Finances.

I think it's also pretty obvious that you have to allow each of the parties to get their information together for the next election. That's the reason, I think, why the election commission has sent the House leaders at least two memos. They've been in contact with the House leaders on at least two occasions to say, "Please, let's move ahead with this legislation." As Mr Murray said in his memo: "Enough time must be provided for the commission, riding associations, accountants and the parties to familiarize themselves with the changes."

The opposition has said they want to delay this process. They want to get all-party agreement. All-party agreement has already occurred on at least two occasions: in 1991, when the ad hoc committee of three members of the Legislature was able to agree on certain changes that were required and, most significantly, in the recommendations from the Ontario Commission on Election Finances. Those recommendations that were made in 1994 really form the bulk of the changes that are suggested in Bill 36. When you carefully examine those changes - again, the recommendation on spending 96 cents per voter brings us in line with federal spending, and in fact it's less than in most other jurisdictions in Canada and in other provinces.

I think, on this motion, those are the comments I wish to make and I'll pass it on to my colleague now.

Mr Doug Galt (Northumberland): It's certainly a pleasure to be able to speak on the time allocation motion as it relates to Bill 36, the elections act. This government has been very consistent with the position that we've taken over time, over the various campaigns. I'm looking back to an article that was written in the Toronto Star on August 9, 1990, that indicates the desire of the leader of this party to overcome scandal, to put some control on donations. I'd just like to read the first couple of sentences in that particular article:

"`A Progressive Conservative government would amend the election spending law to guard against another Queen's Park fund-raising scandal,' leader Mike Harris says. `We're going to have to be far more open and have tougher and stricter guidelines,' Harris told reporters after addressing about 60 supporters here yesterday. Harris said he wants to close up any and all loopholes that are there. He would not allow corporations to make a donation over the allowable limit and then split it into smaller amounts in different individuals' names to get around the law, he said.

"Harris cited a recently published newspaper account that said a top Ontario Liberal Party official told former Liberal fund-raiser Patricia Starr how to make an illegal donation legal by splitting receipts. That is exactly the type of impropriety that he wants to end, Harris said. Starr was at the centre of the scandal which rocked Premier David Peterson's government and has continued to dog him since he called an election last week for September 6," and the article goes on.

I just read that into the record to bring to the attention of the House the consistency of this government, the consistency of our leader. The all-party commission reviewed the Election Finances Act and supported changes to rules regarding increased spending and contribution limits. In fact, as mentioned just a few minutes ago, the former NDP party president Jack Murray chaired the commission and recommended that the spending limit be increased to $1.40 per person rather than the 96 cents that's in the legislation. It is my understanding that that was unanimously supported by all members of that committee. The Liberals have more recently requested publicly that Ontario's spending limits be brought in line with the federal elections of 96 cents, and that is indeed exactly what we're doing with this particular bill.

1530

We've heard from both the opposition parties on several occasions about all-party consent: It has always been all-party consent. That was true, as I understand, in 1986, when there was an election reform process. That's when the Tories were in opposition, and yes, there was all-party consent at that time. But there certainly wasn't in 1996, with the Fewer Politicians Act. As we look across Canada historically, the changes that have occurred in the nine provinces, the most recent changes in each province, at least four of the provinces used majority rule.

There's no question that negotiations went on in good faith. You first get full agreement and then later on you have to have them at the table. Unfortunately, it did not work out that way.

There have been many parts in this bill, and many concerns have been expressed - things like signoff by the party leader. The opposition has thrown it back at us, "Oh, this is another Harris kind of activity," when in fact that was the recommendation of the chief election officer. You may note that it's not in the final legislation.

We've talked a lot about the minimum length of these election campaigns, how long from the call until the actual voting day. In this particular piece of legislation, 28 days would be the minimum. I can assure you that the public is indeed very tired of long campaigns. I've heard this repeatedly from many people in my riding. In 28 days, four weeks, with improved methods of communication, we can get our message out. Anyone can get their message out in a 28-day period. We also have a permanent voters' list. With that permanent voters' list there will be no need for the enumeration to be carried out, and therefore there will be a saving of some nine days. That all fits in moving down to a 28-day or four-week period.

Also, there is consistency here as we move along, recognizing the previous bill, the Fewer Politicians Act. As we move to a riding that's the same size and same shape as a federal riding, where boundaries are coterminous, it's far easier for the general public to understand federal and provincial politics when there is some consistency there. I'm certainly very proud of the fact that as a party we have had the intestinal fortitude to put forth a bill that reduces the total number of politicians in Ontario from 130 down to 103, a reduction of some 27 MPPs come the next election.

We've heard a fair amount from the opposition about how this kind of bill is providing all kinds of political opportunism. I would suggest that what happened in 1990, when the government of the day was only three years into their mandate and called an election basically to consolidate their position, was totally unnecessary, as they found out from the public. In 1995 we had another situation, where we went almost five years without an election. The normal expected mandate is around four years, and when you start going into almost that fifth year it's a sign the government is in trouble. It was obvious to most people that the only reason they went the extra year and sat for only 29 days was simply to collect the paycheques during that extra year.

It's interesting that this all-party commission has come out with a recommendation that the Commission on Election Finances and the office of the chief election officer should be joined. This would be a saving of $1 million per year, just simply through the reduction in the number of bureaucrats in those two organizations. There's nothing wrong with bureaucrats; it's just that if we bring them together we can operate for far less.

We now have a permanent voters' list. Elections Canada has developed a permanent voters' list. They're prepared to share it with the province of Ontario, and by working with that there is going to be a saving of some $10 million per election. And $10 million is not exactly chicken feed; that's an important saving.

As you look at these recommendations in the bill, the total savings to the taxpayers of Ontario will be some $15 million per election, and also, in addition to that, $1 million per year if that merger occurs. This election process will be transparent and it will be modernized.

The next election won't be won in the last few weeks. The public is paying an awful lot more attention to what governments do and what opposition parties are saying. They have watched a government that has been doing what it said it would do. They have followed right through from the campaign, the Common Sense Revolution that we put forward over four years ago, used it for a full year, and then were elected on that. We've implemented literally every last point that's in that platform.

The public of Ontario know that the next platform we roll out will mean business, that we will follow through on the future commitments we make - a very different kind of politics to what the public have experienced in the past.

We know you can't win by handouts just before an election, as has been attempted by other parties that were in government quite recently, particularly the NDP, using the spring to go around Ontario making promises as to what they would do after the next election.

Our changes to the Election Finances Act are free and democratic. They are open to everyone. Unlike our friends in opposition, we have not tried to use public funds to win elections. Our reforms will improve the system and increase its transparency by creating a permanent voters' list, by requiring that political advertisers show who the sponsor is and by making bribery an offence under the Election Act. These are just a few examples.

Making election campaigns shorter is also a key reform. The opposition says it gives them less time to get their message out. It just shows that they don't understand the basic principles of good communications. Good communications should be an ongoing process. The Liberals and NDP could borrow a page from the Conservative campaign manual: Be up front with the public. Communicate well in advance of an election call. Then you won't have to worry how long the election campaign has to be.

The NDP realized too late the need for regular communications, tried to communicate with a glossy brochure on photo health cards distributed to every home in the province just prior to the election call - a hamfisted handling of mass public relations. The public won't buy you a fire hose if you wait until the house is on fire before you request it. Honest communication is indeed a two-way street and it must be a regular occurrence.

Our government has communicated change and we have regularly communicated that change to the public. We have explained our reforms, as any good corporate citizen would. Our communications have been credible because they are regular, consistent and based on fact - far from being propaganda, as the opposition suggests. We are indeed committed to providing the public with accurate information on which to base their decisions. It costs money but is essential in times of fundamental change.

There are many things in Bill 36 that are indeed very important. Bill 36 is a long-overdue reform to our two election acts, made necessary by changes introduced under the Fewer Politicians Act. It reduces the bureaucracy and cost of elections to the public. The opposition is crying wolf to the public, but the public really doesn't care and doesn't believe them when they're calling wolf.

The Liberals and the NDP are going to have to accept that politics is changing in Ontario and across Canada, and must get with the changes or be left in the dust. People are not interested in vote-buying; they want real programs, well explained to them.

The Liberals and the NDP are in the same position we faced in 1995. The party that was in debt needed to get our message out at the same time, but we didn't try to buy the election then and we have no need to try and buy the election today. The public knows what we stand for. That's the challenge to the Liberals and for the NDP: to be clear about issues. Recognize that this is almost impossible for either party, because they are so busy being against everything, nobody really knows what they indeed stand for.

1540

As we look at some of the things that have come out in the press, election changes are not sinister. This is an excellent article written in the Chatham Daily News back on June 13, 1998. Some of the highlights in that particular article:

"The legislation in question cuts the length of the campaign from 37 to 28 days, standardizes the amount candidates can spend per voter at 96 cents, excludes research polling and travel costs from the spending limits, slightly increases the tax credits for political contributions and introduces a new enumeration system and permanent voters' list."

I'll just continue with this, which is particularly interesting: "Opposition members pounded their desks and made such a flap over the changes, eight of them were ordered out of the Legislature." That is the kind of public display that was put on on that occasion. "Although the recommendations came from an all-party committee, the government did introduce the changes without all-party consent, which rankled opposition members."

With just a little talking and a little more working together and working with the members who were on that election commission, we could have had all-party agreement, but they did not communicate, I gather, with the caucus, so there was not this understanding of what they were voting for, because on two occasions there was unanimous consent by all seven of the members who sat on that commission.

"For our money, a shorter election means less rhetoric and standardized spending, and a revamped enumeration system makes, dare we say, common sense.

"Hardly the stuff of dastardly plots.

"If Liberal leader Dalton McGuinty (who called the changes `an underhanded attempt to turn the next election into the largest seat sale in Canada's history') is serious about replacing Mike Harris, we urge him to save the rhetoric for truly meaningful issues of which there are plenty."

Interjection: What paper was that?

Mr Galt: That came from the Chatham Daily News.

Another very interesting one was from the North Bay Nugget. They're talking about, "Election changes are for the better." There's no question about that. The public are thrilled with the kind of changes that we're bringing in. They're very, very supportive, especially of the 28-day minimum length of an election.

From the North Bay Nugget, June 11:

"The most welcome change is a reduction in the campaign to 28 days from 37 days. That's plenty of time in today's world for parties and politicians to make their points. Most campaigns consist of repetitious speeches and promises given by different people in different parts of the province. Local issues do not carry much weight outside the boundaries of a riding. Sometimes issues arise during a campaign, but often they're manufactured by political spin doctors."

It goes on to say near the end of the article, "Opposition parties don't like any of the changes." Well, that's part of the British system. Whatever the government brings in, of course the opposition and the third party are going to be opposed to it. That's tradition. But when something good comes along such as a bill like this, there's absolutely no reason why they should vehemently oppose it and actually get kicked out of the Legislature. I would be very embarrassed if I was caught in that position.

It goes on, "...arguing they need more time in a campaign to get noticed and don't have access to the same funds as a governing party does." In the last election the NDP was the governing party and they had all kinds of opportunity there. In the previous one the Liberals were the governing party and they had all kinds of opportunity. Prior to that, I guess it was a combination, NDP-Liberal, and we couldn't tell which was which; and prior to that, it was the Conservatives. Really you can see that there's no gain from being the party in government going into an election. "These objections diminish, of course, should an opposition party get into power."

It's interesting, some of these spending limits. They're all over and we are really looking at one of the lower ones when we go across Canada. We're consistent with the federal government, but certainly it's much lower than some of the other provinces. Take, for example, Newfoundland. It's at some $3 per elector, and we're talking 96 cents. Look at New Brunswick; it's $1.75 per elector, and up to $2 in the case of a by-election. In Manitoba, it's $1.25 per elector. On it goes. In Nova Scotia it's $1 per elector, and in PEI it's $1.75.

I think that as we look at particularly the really big issue that came out from the opposition on this - spending - they were really concerned about the $1.40, which they agreed to. We have now agreed with them that maybe that's more than is really necessary and came in at 96 cents, which they asked for, and lo and behold, they still don't really agree with that.

This is a time allocation motion to get on with Bill 36, a very important bill in the history of this province. It's been 12 years since we really had an upgrade or a change in the elections reform act here in the province of Ontario. This one is going to clarify it, make it more understandable for the public. It'll match with our Fewer Politicians Act that we brought in back in 1996.

I certainly look forward to this next election, probably more or less a year down the road. I think the public will appreciate what has been put in place for them with this particular bill, Bill 36, as we move along. So I can very enthusiastically support the time allocation motion and also Bill 36 when it comes and I look forward to the vote at 6 o'clock tonight on the time allocation motion and the vote on this bill in the near future.

Mr John Gerretsen (Kingston and The Islands): Let me first of all say that I'll be sharing my time with the member for St Catharines and the member for Windsor-Walkerville.

I was struck by one of the last comments that the member for Northumberland made when he said this is a very important bill in the history of this province. I would suggest to him that if this a very important bill in the history of this province, as he has indicated, then why is it being time-allocated? Why is there not any opportunity given at all for the people of Ontario to make representations on the bill? Why do we take this position that the government knows best and everybody else just has to take it?

We know from the history of this government that whenever they time-allocate something, particularly when they time-allocate something in which they don't allow for any committee time whatsoever, there's usually something wrong with the bill, and after it becomes law, it becomes necessary to bring in another bill. We saw that with the property tax bill, which had to be here four times. On four different occasions, the government got it wrong. It's still not right, according to the clerks and treasurers in this province.

The point is that if it is an important bill - and it is an important bill in the sense that we do not want to have an Americanized system in the province of Ontario. We do not want to run elections on the basis on which they do in so many American jurisdictions, where congressmen and state legislators have to raise hundreds of thousands of dollars to run for election every two or three years. We decided in Ontario many years ago that we do not want to in effect have elections bought by different people in this province.

So I would suggest to him, if this is such an important bill, then why don't we take some time and get it right? We've already heard there's not going to be an election this fall. Mike Harris has said so on a number of occasions. Why not put the bill out for some public discussions this coming summer, have some hearings on it, get some input from the general public out there and then deal with it in the fall? That's the first point.

The second point is that here we are again, on an important piece of legislation, using time allocation in order invoke closure. I believe this is the 25th time this has happened since this government took over.

Mr Michael A. Brown (Algoma-Manitoulin): Incredible.

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Mr Gerretsen: It's incredible because when you think about 20 years ago, it was almost unheard of to have a time allocation motion or to have closure in debate on any particular matter here. It has almost become standard practice that there's time allocation, there's closure on just about every piece of legislation this government brings forward.

I think the people of Ontario and the parliamentary system lose something as a result thereof. We've gone through it many times before, how the rule changes allow these kinds of things to happen now much more frequently than was certainly the case in the past. I won't dwell on that, because I think there are some very important principles we should talk about that are contained in this bill, but I would just suggest to him that if a bill is of that importance, and he himself has admitted that it is a very important piece of legislation, we shouldn't be acting hastily. We should be taking our time, we should be getting views from the general public, and then we should deal with it after we've heard from the general public.

The other thing I was very much struck by was that he said he wants to run elections from a fairness concept, that people have the right to know what the policy positions of the various parties are. If he wants to be fair about it, then why is he not saying anything to his own government about the kind of material that has been sent out by this government on three occasions within the last couple of months? The last two, of course, were this piece that is called Are We on the Right Track? I'm sure that everybody in Ontario who received this probably thought this was a piece of Conservative Party propaganda. They've got every right to do it. Any party has a right to find out how the people feel about it. However, they don't have the right to use taxpayers' money to find out the opinions of people in Ontario. This was paid for by taxpayers' money. Almost $1 million was spent to get this little piece of propaganda out.

How about the latest one, which came out last Thursday or Friday, which is the health Report to Taxpayers? It's referred to as volume 1, number 1. In other words, I guess they plan to do this on an ongoing basis from here on in. This is a pure piece of political propaganda in which the ruling party of this province, the Reform-Tory party, wants to let the people know how they feel they are doing with health care and some of the changes that are being made.

Of course, one of the main reasons they're doing this is because they've been receiving an awful lot of flak on this score. We all know that. We all know that the people of Ontario are very much concerned about their health care. It is the number one issue. People want to know that if and when they or their loved ones require the necessary health care, whether it's in hospital or from doctors, it's available for them and that they're not subject to a six-month or a one-year waiting list. That's what the people are concerned about. I think people, generally speaking, feel that the quality of health care out there is not of the same standard it was three or four years ago. The government is trying to counter this by saying what wonderful things they have done.

Again, as was pointed out here today, this piece of propaganda cost the taxpayers of Ontario $1.27 million, to get this piece of propaganda out to every household in Ontario. With all the cuts there have been to health care this year, I'm sure average Ontarians are asking themselves, "Wouldn't that money be better spent on good-quality health care?" Wouldn't that money have gone a long way, for example, in dealing with the user fees that senior citizens have to pay right now with respect to their drugs?

If you want to talk about fair, let's be fair about it. Take this $1.27 million. You've got a right to communicate to the public your party's position on various aspects that come before this House, but use your own party resources to do that and don't use money that has been set aside for government purposes.

The other thing I found very interesting - and I've heard it in this House twice now. Twice I've heard a cabinet minister say, "Well, it's a householder." Today I believe it was referred to by the Minister of Health, in answer to a question, as a householder. I always understood a householder to be an information piece that is put out by a member of provincial Parliament to his or her constituents in his or her riding. That's what a householder is. It is charged against the global budgets we have to run our offices, both here and in our constituency.

There's no such thing as a government householder. The government doesn't have money that can be used for partisan purposes to let the people of Ontario know how they feel they are doing in particular aspects of public policy. A householder is an individual piece that an individual member of this Legislature can send out, totally within the rules, to his or her own constituents. To have this referred to as a government householder - I believe the Minister of Community and Social Services made the same comment a couple of weeks ago - is really extraordinary. I don't think they know what a householder is. I don't know, I think that if this kind of blatant propaganda campaign keeps going, then perhaps it's time that we ask the question of higher authority, to see if this really is within the limits of the kind of money government can spend its money on.

The other thing is that there has been much debate in this House about permanent voters' lists and the fact that the campaign is going from 37 to 28 days. They're all very important issues. But the most important issue is the amount of money that can be raised by a party, or that can be raised within a local riding, that can be spent within a local riding by a candidate for a party. For the government to suggest that the federal rules have simply been applied is simply not correct. I can give you three or four ridings, that were not selectively picked, and in each and every riding the federal limit is below the proposed limit as set out in this act. In Windsor-St Clair for example, the federal limit is $64,000; under the new proposed limits as set out in this act, it would be $70,000. Algoma-Manitoulin goes from $61,000, which is the federal limit right now, to $70,500. In Victoria-Haliburton the federal limit is $67,000; the proposed limit in this legislation is $75,800. You could just go on and on. To say that we are simply adopting the federal limits for in-riding spending is not correct.

In a lot of these cases, the amount of money that can be spent within the ridings during election campaigns has gone up quite dramatically from the current provincial limits. They average anywhere from about $20,000 to $30,000 to $40,000 per riding. I guess what it really boils down to is whether we want to run the kind of elections that are so common in the States, where money talks. I suppose if you had a perfect system, you wouldn't have to rely on donations at all. Perhaps the amount of money parties should be able to collect should be totally government regulated. I've often thought about that because I think that once you start mixing money and politics, and I suppose it has traditionally been done that way, you always run the risk of being accused or giving the perception that you are somehow doing things, particularly if you're in government, for your political friends. I think the further we can stay away from that, the better the system will be in the long run.

The other major change is the amount that can be collected within a riding from potential donors. That goes up from $750 to $1,000. It's interesting that the limit to parties goes up from $4,000 to $7,500. That is a huge increase. That is almost double the amount of money. That means a very few people in some ridings, by giving the maximum amount they're entitled to, can almost control that particular candidate. I think the further we stay away from that kind of politics, the better it is.

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On the overall limit that can be spent by the parties provincially, again the members on the government side would like you to believe that all they've adopted are the federal limits. Well, let's take a look. The party expenditure limit right now under the existing act, the amount of money that a party can spend during an election, is $2.6 million. That's what can be spent by the central party. To be correct, it's $2.699 million, so let's call it $2.7 million. Federally, within the province of Ontario, it's $3.2 million. What is it in this new act? It's $4 million. So to suggest that somehow we've adopted the federal limit is not correct. There is an additional $800,000 that can be spent: $4 million by the central party during an election campaign and a shorter election campaign of 28 days rather than the 37 days that we currently have.

I won't be saying much more about it and I will be turning it over to the member for St Catharines in just a moment, but I think this is a very important issue for the people of Ontario, and it's twofold. The first issue is whether a government in effect can send out purely partisan propaganda at government expense. I think that issue is closely tied into it. How many more of these brochures are we going to receive before we have the election within the next year or so?

Mr Garry J. Guzzo (Ottawa-Rideau): How many would you like?

Mr Gerretsen: Yes, "How many would you like?" That's well said.

Mr James J. Bradley (St Catharines): Who said that?

Mr Gerretsen: The former judge from Ottawa-Rideau said that.

Mr Marcel Beaubien (Lambton): The public should know.

Mr Gerretsen: The public should know, and certainly you have the right to tell them what your positions are, but it's got to be done with your own party funds and not with government money. That's the essence of this.

The second point in dealing with the bill itself directly is that the nonsense about this being something that was agreed to by the election finances commission on a unanimous basis is simply not so. The limits that were set out within that report were quite a bit different from the limits that we're talking about in this bill. I think it should also be borne in mind that this is the first time in at least the last 25 years that this kind of bill does not have all-party support.

That is a tragedy, because I think if there is one thing that we owe to future generations, it's certainly the fact that our electoral system, the manner in which we elect governments every four or five years, is done in a fair and open and straightforward manner. What's happening here is that the governing party that happens to be in power at any one time is going to have a distinct advantage above the normal advantages of incumbency. That simply isn't fair, and I hope the people of Ontario will speak out about this.

I will now turn it over to the member for St Catharines.

Mr Bradley: I am saddened by the fact that I once again have to speak on yet another motion which closes off debate in the Ontario Legislature. Unfortunately, and it is not good for democracy when this happens, this is becoming routine with the Mike Harris government. In this case they did not call the Legislature back into session until the very end of the month of April and then decided they would have the House sit into the evenings every night so they could do twice as many bills in one day. You did not hear me say twice as much work, but twice as many bills could be processed through the grinder each day.

We have, I think my friend from Kingston and The Islands said, the 25th time allocation motion. "Time allocation" is a nice way of saying "choking off debate," ending debate. Mike Harris and his government do not want to hear extensive debate on this kind of bill because they know the people of this province, if they were aware of the facts, and particularly those who are guardians of the democratic process, would be very concerned if they knew the provisions of this bill; how it will help to Americanize the system of elections in this province and how it will make money play a much more central role in election campaigns.

The fact that we are dealing with time allocation motions, time after time, even under the new rules which Mike Harris set up - I have to be careful in the terminology I use here. One of the people who likes to appeal to the Premier very much, and would see himself as upwardly mobile, was given the responsibility of writing rules that would rig the Legislature in favour of whatever government is in power, in this case the Mike Harris government.

Even with these rules, which heavily favour the government and which mean that the opposition has virtually no chips to play in the negotiation process, the government continues to bring in closure motions, closing off debate in this assembly.

What is interesting to observe with this government is that when it's ashamed of what it's doing or apprehensive of what public reaction might be, it tries to hide its initiative behind another major announcement. We will recall that Bill 26, which was a massive budget bill - we called it the bully bill - altered, changed, tore up and amended some 47 acts of the Ontario Legislature. They wanted to do it all in one bill and they wanted to shove it through before Christmas. This was when the government first attained power.

By the way, you should know that one of the provisions of Bill 26, now that I think back to it, was the establishment of the Health Services Restructuring Commission of Ontario, which I call the hospital destruction commission because it is a front out there for the government to have an excuse to close the doors of hospitals which people in our province have built up in their communities over the years and which have continued to provide excellent health care services to people in those communities.

That would be a way of Premier Mike Harris getting out of his promise, I guess the government felt, when he said to Robert Fisher during the leaders' debate in May 1995, "Certainly, Robert, I can guarantee you it is not my plan to close hospitals." Well, we've had 35 hospitals which have been terminated, which have been closed or forced to merge in this province. So there is a glaring promise that was made and never kept; in fact broken on 35 different occasions, and I'm sure more.

The point I am making is that we have seen a consistent pattern of this government trying to bulldoze things through this House, to avoid the kind of extensive debate which allows the public to become knowledgeable of the issues surrounding the legislation the government is bringing forward.

So they hid it. They brought it in one day as a surprise. They didn't tell the opposition about it; they didn't tell the news media. After they had made a major announcement about Hydro, because that was the major news story of the day - indeed there will be a debate in the House and some public hearings, and I always like to see public hearings, on the Hydro bill - the government slipped in its changes to the Election Finances Act, to the way in which elections are run in this province; the bill which stacks the deck in favour of the governing party or indeed of a party that is able to obtain millions of dollars of funds from the major powerful, rich interests in this province.

It did it without any significant consultation. It cherry-picked from several reports that it had, but essentially this bill was written in the back rooms of the Conservative Party and the back rooms of the Premier.

Tom Long would have had more to say about this bill than Charles Harnick, the Attorney General of the province. Leslie Noble would have had more to say about this bill than Tom Froese, the member for St Catharines-Brock. Guy Giorno would have certainly had more to say about this bill than Bill Grimmett, who was the first speaker on the government side. You will remember him. He was the federal Tory-Reform Party organizer during the last federal election campaign in his area, now the Conservative member for Muskoka-Georgian Bay. He likes that. He does not mind my saying this at all. I wouldn't do it if he were offended by it, but he doesn't mind my saying this in the House. After all, that's his view. I think it's just worthy of comment and it does reveal a lot.

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My friends Tom Froese and Frank Sheehan had the Tory-Reform candidates in the last federal election in the gallery with them. I won't tell that to Ken Atkinson, the former Conservative federal member for St Catharines, who had to fight tooth and nail against Reform Party election. I won't tell him, unless he's watching from his law firm this afternoon or is staying up late tonight and has nothing else to watch, that Rob Hesp, the Reform Party candidate in the last federal election, was sitting huddled - I'll say huddled - with my friends Tom Froese and Frank Sheehan in the gallery. And there were others bowing and paying tribute at the same time in the gallery. Obviously the policies are somewhat the same. I won't tell Ken Atkinson, the federal Conservative member, about that because I think he might be a bit exercised by that.

Anyway, a sham of consultation took place. They gave it to the government deputy House leader and Chairman of Management Board, Mr Hodgson, to carry in the House. He was really just getting his orders from the back room on what would happen here. There was never any genuine effort to come to a consensus, because what the government wanted was essentially to stack the deck in favour of the Conservative Party. They knew they wouldn't be able to develop a consensus. Let me tell that there are a number of provisions in this bill which are non-contestable. If this bill contained changes such as the permanent voters' list and certain other administrative changes, this would have gone through in this House in 15 minutes, without any contention, with a few words of praise for those who made recommendations, and away we would have gone. But of course the real agenda of the government was to stack the deck, to make money king in Ontario politics. It was to Americanize the system of elections in this province.

I can recall making this speech last year, about the fact that I thought this government would come in with this and issuing some press releases in the winter of this year saying: "Watch out for this to come. This is what they're about. This is what Tom Long wants. This is what Leslie Noble wants. This is what Jan Dymond wants." Who are some of the other Conservative operatives? They could tell me on the other side. Some of the big-time people in the Conservative Party want this. I can just hear Tom Long saying, "Give me $4 million and I can buy this election for the Conservative Party, because I can buy the right ads and so on." So it was discouraging to see the government bring this in, but not surprising.

Then the government's bluff got called. We said: "If these proposals are good proposals, of course you want to subject them to public hearings. We want to take them to Listowel, Ontario; we want to take them to Monkton, Ontario; we want to take them to Metropolitan Toronto; we want to take them to Ottawa; we want to take them to Wawa; we want to take them all over Ontario. If they are so good, if they are so well accepted, if you want to have input, we'll have public hearings." The government would have none of that: "We don't want the people to have anything to say about this bill. They don't need to know. We know best." If Tom Long is satisfied, if Guy Giorno is satisfied, if the back-room boys are satisfied, then that's all it takes." So we didn't have that.

Then we said, "Maybe it's because the government wants to rush it through this session, because they're having some big fund-raisers and they want to be able to get this through this session." I don't agree there's a need for that hurry, but if that be the case, then we said: "Will you at least entertain amendments? You may accept them and you may not accept them. Will you at least have some committee time, and by the time allocation motion you could leave that committee time, to have amendments proposed and dealt with?"

"No, we'll have none of that. We want no amendments. We want no consultation. We want to ram this through. Nobody is paying attention." The advisers to the Premier say: "Don't worry, Mike. The news media won't play this up. They'll see it as an in-house, or as they say in the United States, an inside-the-Beltway issue, and they won't play it up. Look, we've even got some editorials in favour of what we want."

Somebody quoted the Chatham, North Bay and Peterborough newspapers. What do you expect now when Conrad Black owns most of the newspapers in this province, when he owns - how many is it now, Mr Ford, is it 60 newspapers now out of 104 newspapers? When he controls them and we all know his views, and those views are going to be reflected in editorials, I suppose we shouldn't be surprised to see some of the newspapers that used to stand up for democracy in this province now bowing down to the Mike Harris agenda. It's disconcerting, yes, but not surprising when you know that Conrad Black, who didn't like the newspapers that existed before, said they were full of soft left-wing propaganda or something. He said that. I guess I shouldn't be surprised.

However, the news media do have a role to play. When you're discussing Bill 160, the education bill, I understand there are two sides of it. I happen to disagree vehemently with the government on Bill 160, but I can understand editorials on both sides of the issue. When you're dealing with the Hydro bill - should you privatize, should you partially privatize, should you keep it in the public domain? - I can understand editorials on either side of that issue, and on most of the issues that come before this Parliament. I understand that newspapers have a view, and now more and more it's a centralized view of these issues, it seems to me, and I can understand the editorials.

One place where I think there would be a difference is when it's in the defence of democracy. The news media almost universally, for instance, hate any kind of censorship. They feel they're the defenders of information being made available. The newspapers and the news media are very protective of their right to have access to political meetings and they hate meetings behind closed doors. So they fight for that.

What I expected when this bill came out was that there would be editorial after editorial across this province denouncing the government for making money king in the process. There are those who would suggest, and I reject this completely myself of course, that it's because the large newspapers and television stations and radio stations will make more money if parties have more money to spend in a campaign, and that may influence their editorial policy in this regard. I hope that wouldn't be the case. I hope when Conrad Black, the multimillionaire media mogul, buys all these newspapers he wouldn't exercise that kind of control. I hope the people who operate the newspapers at the local level wouldn't say, "I know Conrad hasn't sent the word down, but I kind of know what he wants, so maybe I'll get rid of that soft left-wing bias that he thought was there in the editorial policy."

I think this is one case where the news media over the years have consistently stood for democracy and I am disheartened when I hear even one newspaper editorial being written in favour of this legislation, not that there aren't components of it which are acceptable and supportable - we've said that - but because there is poison in this bill. In what could have been a good bill, there are hostages which makes it a bad bill.

This represents an abuse of public power, I think. When the government has an overwhelming, massive majority to push through controversial and anti-democratic legislation, that's an abuse of public power.

This cannot pass the fairness test. Not only is it bad public policy because money will have too much of an influence in any campaign that tends to corrupt the process, but also because it's unfair. It's unfair because it stacks the deck in favour of the governing party and in favour of parties that cater to the vested interests of the richest people in this province and the most powerful people in this province, who make the largest campaign contributions, and certainly have done so to this political party, the Conservative Party of Ontario.

I was watching the other night on C-SPAN, one of those high channels on the cable television set, the American House of Representatives. A similar debate was taking place and the good friends of the Conservative Party, the Republican Party in the United States, was making the case in favour of not restricting campaign spending, of saying, "It's all right to have this money out there." In the United States, you almost have to be a multimillionaire to run for public office. There is a lot of money spent in campaigns. While there are examples of some campaigns won with a limited amount of money, the majority of campaigns are won by the richest candidates or those who spend the most money.

There was a representative, a Democrat from Mississippi, who really made an interesting case. He said: "What about the poor people of Mississippi? How does putting more and more money into the system, making money king of the system, benefit those people?"

Conrad Black can make a large donation. He's got millions of dollars. He can write cheques to every riding in Ontario if he wants to; or Barnicke, people like that, the people who send these big cheques to the Conservative Party - or to political parties; it doesn't matter whether it's the Conservative Party when you write the cheque. Those people can afford it, but what about poor people in the province? What about people of modest income? What about people who simply don't have the disposable amount of money to make a political contribution to a political party or a candidate? They are left out of the process.

They can be helpful by door-knocking and licking stamps, as we say, and working in a campaign office. What this government is doing with this bill is making that a diminished part of the campaign. The more you shrink the period of time for a campaign the more huge media advertising plays a role.

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This province will be carpet-bombed by the Conservative Party with propaganda ads, and I think, to be fair, we would call all ads propaganda during a campaign because people are putting forward their party point of view. The Conservative Party will carpet-bomb this province because they have money falling out of the coffers today. Why? Because they have catered to the wealthiest people in the province and to the most powerful people, who have said, "Thank you," in droves by sending in their money to the Conservative Party.

Do I blame those people? Probably not; that's their business. But what I'm saying is that this bill means that's going to be far more important than the person who volunteers to knock on doors, because we're shrinking the size of that campaign. We're diminishing the day-to-day personal contact and enhancing television advertising and huge newspaper, magazine and radio advertising.

There's a massive increase in the amount of money that can be spent by political parties and candidates in this province. There's a drastic increase in the amount of money that can be donated to political parties. Again, that's dangerous. Let me tell you, the more you put money into the system the more dangerous it becomes.

I heard the member for Northumberland mentioning the fund-raiser for Roy McMurtry, now the Chief Justice in Ontario, and Susan Fish. I believe this is accurate, that Patti Starr was a fund-raiser for those two people. I heard him mention her name. But whenever you bring up these connotations - Gerhard Moog, from years ago, who built the Hydro building, I think without a tender, and so on - we got out of this. Peter Munk - is that another big name I heard who gives money to the Conservative Party?

The point I'm making is, if you allow higher contributions, you're allowing people more influence. Make no mistake about it. We'd all like to think it has no influence, but it has big-time influence when that money is coming in from the wealthiest people in the province. So don't do that to the system.

Mr Steve Gilchrist (Scarborough East): The unions.

Mr Bradley: Whoever it is. The member for Scarborough East comes in. I've used a quotation in the House this afternoon from his former business that he would like. I'll mention that. I'll get into that part of the speech now because he said that to me. I said that Mike Harris, when it came to spending the taxpayers' dollars on political propaganda such as this pamphlet that has gone out to all households in Ontario at a cost of $1.270 million, when it's spending on propaganda of this kind, he spends like Santa and he cuts like Scrooge. I knew my friend from Scarborough -

Mr Gilchrist: You must have stayed up all weekend.

Mr Bradley: I honestly didn't stay up all weekend. I was reading over some speeches on the weekend from the member for Scarborough East and it reminded me of this saying and I thought, "This is a great one to use on Monday." I couldn't wait to get in to use it. But it's true, you see, because not only is this government going to stack the deck in the Conservative Party's favour through this legislation, but already you would have received at your household, no doubt, this political propaganda pamphlet which is from the Ministry of Health.

Let me tell you, I would imagine that the civil servants - they're non-political people, except David Lindsay, I don't know - in the Ministry of Health must be experiencing sickness to the stomach when they realize they had to spend out of their budget $1.270 million to send a propaganda pamphlet right across the province and, surprise of surprise, it's in blue and white. It's in Conservative blue and there's nothing critical about the government in this and there's a lot that compliments the government.

What everybody should know, even the students who are in the gallery today - and there are students up in the public gallery today. Even they have helped to pay for Mike Harris's propaganda pamphlet, because they pay sales tax. When they go and buy something they pay sales tax, then they end up -

Mr Gilchrist: You're not allowed to talk to the people in the gallery.

Mr Bradley: The member is quite right, so I won't speak to them in gallery. Even the students who are in the gallery, I say to the member from Scarborough through the Speaker, have to pay for this propaganda pamphlet.

The government puts this out, and this is the taxpayers of Ontario. This is not the Conservative Party. If the St Catharines-Brock provincial riding association, which has money falling out of its coffers now, wants to spend all kinds of money on propaganda like that, I can't object to that. If my friend Tom Froese from time to time puts ads in, which I think his association pays for, I don't object to that, but I do object to this.

You'll recall this, Mr Speaker. This is a couple of weeks old, this pamphlet called "Are We on the Right Track?" again in blue and white. This cost three quarters of a million dollars. Then there was the ad from our good friend David Lindsay, former principal secretary to Mike Harris, former Conservative candidate in Ontario, former communications adviser to the Conservative caucus. He's fallen into good times - you'll be happy to know this, Mr Speaker - because he's now the chief executive officer of the Ontario Jobs and Investment Board. He put out a pamphlet which is clear propaganda. I had a chance to converse with him about this. He didn't see that it was propaganda, but another person who was there, who is totally objective said, "Yes, it is." So we went to Guy Giorno and asked him and Guy said, "No, it's not propaganda."

What we see is the government abusing its public office. I'm sure the former newscaster for CHCH-TV, the member for Wentworth East, must be appalled when he sees this kind of information being purveyed using the taxpayers' dollars, because I know that when he was a newscaster, I trusted him. I knew I could count on him to be critical when governments would abuse their public power in that way. I know he will, if allowed to speak in third reading debate, be up to denounce that.

We get into the fact that there are certain expenditures exempted, as though somehow some expenditures during a campaign should be exempt from any control. There's polling and there's research and there's travel. The member for Etobicoke-Lakeshore, Morley Kells, who has been around this House before, knows how much money can be hidden under research, polling and travel and those costs. No doubt he was worried when it came up before the caucus that that would be the case.

I think I'm losing my voice - bad news. We have one more speaker, and I've got to at least carry on until then.

I know what's happening here. This propaganda: I know that there's going to be a billboard in Ontario from the taxpayers' coalition denouncing this squandering of taxpayers' money. Frank Sheehan, my good friend from Lincoln, used to be the president of the taxpayers coalition in St Catharines, and I can tell you they would have been beside themselves over this waste of taxpayers' dollars. I expect the Ontario taxpayers' coalition, the National Citizens' Coalition, all of these people are going to be writing to the Premier, putting ads in the newspaper, on television, denouncing this misuse of government funds. I know that, because these are not politically minded people. These are not just the Conservative Party and Reform Party in disguise. These are people who genuinely care about the squandering of tax dollars, so I know that when they catch on to this issue, they will be denouncing this government for what they are doing.

They've decided to exempt - Mike Harris will be able to run around the province in a big, expensive plane now, and the Tory cabinet ministers will be able to run around the province in the Tory campaign plane, because the sky's the limit. No expenditures at all for travel, for polling and research will be counted as part of the expenditures. The sky is the limit. I can see the Tory pollsters rubbing their hands like this and saying, "More money in our pockets, and we will make donations to the Conservative Party because of that."

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Mr Tom Froese (St Catharines-Brock): Jim, I need good polling in St Catharines.

Mr Bradley: The member for St Catharines-Brock says he needs good polling in St Catharines. I would advise him of this: Always watch behind your back. That's what you have to do, because often the attacks don't come from the front. I can tell my friend from St Catharines-Brock that if he and I are in a campaign, the attacks will come from the front, that there will be an exchange of views from the front. He should not worry about that. He should worry about those who work behind his back today to try to subvert him. That's what he should worry about today, because he knows that he and I would carry on a very civil and fair-minded campaign, as we do.

Mr Gilchrist: Take the appointment, Jim, take the appointment.

Interjections.

Mr Bradley: I've got a few more things to say and my other member isn't back yet. I have to say these things.

The central party campaign: I know the Speaker is concerned about this. Not only is there a substantial increase in what candidates can spend at the local level for media advertising, for instance, and all other costs, but also at the central level. Whereas now the maximum a political party could spend centrally is $2.7 million, that zooms up to $4 million under the new formula and again emphasizes the importance of money in a campaign.

What I worry about are people just starting out in politics. Some of the people who have come to this Legislature over the years have come from modest backgrounds and did not have a lot of money. I can tell you that when I was elected to this Legislature, I would have been against a machine which would have had considerably more money to spend and respected candidates who had run for other parties, particularly the Conservative Party in our area because they were in power 34 years before I was able to secure the seat in St Catharines in 1977. There would be a concern that that money would have a greater and greater influence and that people of modest means would not be able to get into politics.

Certainly in the US today, a person of modest financial means is almost shut out of the process. I don't want to see that in Ontario. I don't want to see that to win a nomination or to win a leadership or to win an election at the local level, a person would have to have a lot of money or be beholden to people with a lot of money in order to be elected.

I hope they simply have their gatherings. I want to give a little advertising to the member for St Catharines-Brock. At the Hunter farm - is it next Saturday? - next Saturday at the Hunter farm in Niagara-on-the-Lake -

Mr Froese: In Queenston.

Mr Bradley: In Queenston?

Mr Froese: It's called the Hunter barbecue, but it's in Queenston.

Mr Bradley: Okay, it's called the Hunter barbecue but it's in Queenston this year, not on the Hunter farm. I think the guest speaker will be Dave Johnson - I hope there are no demonstrators there to greet him - and Hugh Segal is going to be there. It said that on the TV screen. I want to tell the member for St Catharines-Brock, I was looking at community channel 10 and it said Hugh Segal as well. So there we are.

I just wanted to say that if you were to raise some funds at that gathering, that would be legitimate and one would hope that would be people having a good time together and so on, gathering together in the Conservative cause.

What I worry about is that members who run in provincial politics will have to have a lot of money backing them or a lot of money themselves to participate successfully in the process. That is most disconcerting.

Another reason is that in the next election campaign, and I'm sure the gurus in the Tory back rooms will know this, the news media will not be able to cover the next provincial election campaign as extensively and comprehensively as previous campaigns. Why is that? Because there have been all kinds of cutbacks in the news media.

Look at Conrad Black's newspapers. The pattern is simple. They come in and Conrad demands huge profits out of the newspaper - not just modest profits and the community good, but he demands huge profits. Therefore, to do that, you have to shrink the workforce. If you have fewer reporters and fewer columnists and fewer others to cover an election campaign, that means money plays an even bigger role. That means that those huge television ads that run on the television stations in the middle of hockey games or baseball games, whatever happens to be on - many sports events - therefore it's going to play a much more significant role. That is not good for our society.

If, for instance, the Black empire, the Hollinger-Southam empire owned by Black and administered from Chicago by Mr Radler -

Mr Gilchrist: I thought you were talking about us for a second.

Mr Bradley: That's the evil empire when you're referring to yourselves. The Black empire is something different.

If they all decided somehow, "We have a vested interest in having Mike Harris back in power," then all this rigging of the election - and I say "rigging" not in the sense of illegal rigging, but rigging in the sense of giving favour to one side or the other - will have been successful. Don't think Tom Long doesn't know this. He knows this.

Mr Froese: That has nothing to do with our policy.

Mr Bradley: Well, I don't mind contesting an election where Tom and I are sitting on a platform - I'm talking about Tom Froese here, not Tom Long - and exchanging views and putting our policies forward and our views forward and the people make their judgement. But when huge amounts of money are being spent by the governing party on political propaganda with taxpayers' money before the election, and then during the election campaign they're saturating the airwaves with ads, then I think it is going to be a rigged process and not good for the democratic process in this province.

If you want to see a system where influence peddling becomes rife, it's a system where you keep increasing the money that people can contribute to campaigns. There have been questions raised about the Niagara Falls casino decision. One of the reasons that questions have arisen - and of course I leave it to others to make the final judgement as to whether the charges which are made are successful or not.

Mr Gilchrist: Directly related to your future.

Mr Bradley: It that Marjory Lebreton speaking? I can't hear over there. Or was it Senator Cogger? I can't remember who these people all are. There are still a lot of people in the red chamber in Ottawa, the Senate, as it is known, the other House, who were appointed by Brian Mulroney. I was wondering how I was going to get Mulroney into this. They are appointed by Brian Mulroney.

But I want to dwell on the issues that are around this time allocation motion and around this bill. The parts of the bill which deal with some of the administrative changes are quite acceptable. But the government doesn't even want the embarrassment - and I wonder if there are any democrats on that side, small "d" democrats. They don't even want to allow for the placing of amendments. Is there not anyone, Ted Arnott for instance, a good democrat, who would rise in this House and demand that his own party at least allow the placing of amendments? Or are we going to shut everybody else out from that process? It's either Mike's way or the highway. He either bulldozes it through, bullies the bill through the House, or - there's no alternative. There's no "or." That is what happens when you have Mike in charge. He doesn't even want amendments.

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There are people out there who have suggested to those of us in the opposition some amendments that could be made to the legislation. For instance, I think it's good to have an independent election finances commission overseeing election finances, the contributions and expenditures in this province. Indeed it was Dalton Camp, a Conservative adviser, under the Camp commission, which had on it a representative of the New Democratic Party and a representative of the Liberal Party, who came forward with the recommendation to establish the election finances commission of Ontario. This government has decided it's going to abolish that, where there was at least some political representation there to ensure some kind of fairness, and put it under the chief electoral officer, where there is not that kind of input from the political parties who are represented in this House.

This bill is a major step backwards. It's a step in the direction of making money paramount in our election campaigns. I know that if he's not in this House after the next election for some reason or other - decides to retire, may be defeated or some reason, simply wants to go back to his old vocation - Ed Doyle, one of my favourite TV commentators, will be giving a comment on channel 11 news, CHCH. I hope he's got a possibility of returning. But I would hope he would be making a speech or giving a commentary against this legislation, which is most anti-democratic.

I'm running out of voice. I know that is worrying people.

Mr Rosario Marchese (Fort York): On a point of order, Mr Speaker: Would you check for a quorum, please.

The Acting Speaker: Would you check for a quorum, please.

Clerk at the Table (Mr Todd Decker): A quorum is not present, Speaker.

The Acting Speaker ordered the bells rung.

Clerk at the Table: A quorum is now present, Speaker.

The Acting Speaker: The Chair recognizes the member for St Catharines.

Mr Bradley: I want to thank the member for Fort York for recognizing that there was not a quorum at the time and wanting to get a quorum in the House.

What I can say as I get into the last few minutes of this address to the assembly is that, first of all, we are dealing with a closure motion, a motion which will slam the door on debate on the election finances bill, a bill which radically changes the way we operate in elections in Ontario to make money have an even more important role in that campaign and to place us in the danger of increasing the influence of those who make significant contributions to political campaigns.

I want to emphasize again that it will encourage political parties to cater to the wealthiest people in the province or to the most powerful interests, which have the money to donate to those political parties, to the chagrin of the farming community, for instance, which may not have the same amount of money as Argus Corp or one of the banks or the Hollinger corporation or something of that nature.

Hon Dianne Cunningham (Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs, minister responsible for women's issues): You are dating yourself.

Mr Bradley: The member for London North says that when I say "Argus" I'm dating myself, because that used to be the one that everybody mentioned. Well, that's probably good. It's okay to do that.

But we are placing more and more influence in the hands of fewer and fewer people, those being the vested interests in the province. So when farmers are trying to resist the urbanization of farm areas in this province with huge proposed developments, they will find that those who pay the piper will be calling the tune. In other words, the huge developers who are contributing to the Conservative Party may have more influence on the land use decisions of the province than the individual farmers who wish to preserve the farm land for the purposes of farming. That certainly worries me to a very great extent.

I believe we will have to look to the news media in this province to analyse this bill carefully and make its views known. Had we had editorial after editorial, had we had commentary from the crusty talk show hosts, about how this is going to influence this province, then I'm sure that we would have, not this bill, but this bill withdrawn, and that the government would have allowed amendments, as it should allow amendments, to this legislation.

Surely there are two basic rights we look would forward to that are democratic when any bill is coming forward: One would be the opportunity for members of all political parties to offer amendments to legislation, and second, to have public hearings so the public can have input.

Mike Harris has slammed the door shut on both of those opportunities. Mike Harris wants to ensure with this bill that his party, which is receiving an unprecedented amount of money from powerful and rich interests in this province, will have a leg up on the two opposition parties, will have a distinct advantage over all other parties in the election campaign. He will be ensuring, unfortunately - I don't think he wants this to be the case; I would not want to attribute this as a motive - that money will play a more important role in decision-making in government. The more money people can donate to political parties, the more money corporations can put into the system, the more their influence will be on governments.

Despite the fact we would all like to believe that isn't the case, it indeed is the case. I only wish that the defenders of democracy, the people within the news media - perhaps they simply weren't aware this bill was in existence - had stood up against this kind of legislation that is detrimental to the democratic system in this province, that is an abuse of power by a government which seems bound and determined that it will bulldoze its way across this province, not looking at the consequences of its actions in the long term, but only at the short-term interests of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario.

I hope the people of this province will remember this bill, which was brought in quietly and behind another bill and hurt our democratic process, on election day.

Mr Silipo: I rise to speak to this time allocation motion and want to say at the outset that I'll be sharing my time with my colleague from Fort York and my colleague from Hamilton Centre.

This time allocation motion, as has already been pointed out by previous speakers, in effect shuts down debate on a piece of legislation that changes the election system and the election rules in Ontario. It has normally been the kind of thing that has happened - that is, changes to election finances and the rules around elections - as a result of general agreement, of a high degree of, if not complete consensus, among the political parties represented in the Legislature. That is the way in which it has happened historically. We've had a departure from that in this particular instance.

The first question that it is appropriate to ask is, why? Why is the government so intent on proceeding with these changes to the point that they are bringing in this time allocation motion, bringing in ,first of all, legislation without, let alone consensus, any degree of agreement on the major points between the three parties represented in the House? Second, why are they so intent on pushing this piece of legislation, having brought it in that way, to the point of going to the extent of using time allocation, not only to ensure that this bill will get through before this week of sittings is over and we break for the summer recess, but of having this legislation become adopted into law without any process of committee, without any ability to analyse the content, without any ability for the public to have its say on these changes?

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I have a couple of notions why the government is doing that. The government would like us to believe that this is simply a case of them updating the laws, bringing the spending limits more or less up to date with inflation, looking at the federal parameters for spending and making these changes more or less on a par with those. Therefore they keep saying, "This bill hasn't been changed for a number of years; it requires change," to which I would say to the government, "Why? Why is that a sufficient reason for bringing in a piece" - there's certainly lots of legislation that is older than this law that hasn't been amended that should be amended, that is much more important to amend than this piece of legislation, but the government seems intent on coming forward with this.

Why, if two of the political parties that together received more than 50% of the votes in the last election are saying to the governing party, "We don't think that you should be proceeding" -

Mr Beaubien: That is not a fact.

Mr Silipo: I'm sorry. I said the two parties that are sitting in the opposition.

Mr Beaubien: There were other parties.

Mr Silipo: That's right, there were other parties.

Interjection.

The Acting Speaker: Order.

Mr Silipo: The point is that there is a large number, if not a majority, of people representing certainly the two other parties in this House, who represent the majority in terms of the popular vote, who are saying to the members opposite: "We don't think this bill is necessary. We don't think you should be rushing through with this law. We think that many of the pieces, if you took the time to look at them, you would agree with us that it's inappropriate to proceed with them in any event. So why is the government in such a hurry?"

We've heard many allegations, many changes, many notions to the effect that the government is interested in buying the election. I don't want to go to that level of rhetoric, although quite frankly I think there is a lot of truth to that notion. But I want to say to the government: "Why is it that you need to change the election laws so that you can spend an additional $1.4 million over what you have been able to spend in the last election? What has changed about the configuration of Ontario that warrants that kind of change?"

Although the government may be able to justify on the election finances side increasing the expenditures to take into account the changes in the ridings, even there I would quibble with some of the changes that have been made. For example, the new spending limits, even as they were recommended earlier by the commission and now as changed by the government in its proposal, were based on the premise that since we now are going to have ridings that are more or less equal in numbers, the old formula of starting with a lower amount per riding and then building on top of that a funding formula that would allow parties and candidates to spend a certain amount of money, that theory doesn't apply because now we have ridings that are more or less the same size in terms of residents.

That may be true in terms of residents, but I can tell you, coming from the riding that has, I believe, the lowest proportion, not of residents - the residents of the new riding of Davenport are going to be about the same - but when you look at the number of voters that are in that riding, the current estimate is about $45,000, and in fact it's the riding with, I believe, the lowest number of voters per riding. That's because we have a high population of people who are not yet Canadian citizens, although they pay their taxes just like the rest of us do and of course need to be served just like the rest of us, whether you represent them provincially, federally or locally.

The reason I raise that issue is that had we had the opportunity to look at this bill through committee, we could have looked at some of those issues in terms of the differences that there are and we would have been able to have an opportunity to see if this kind of flat amount per riding is in fact what makes sense. Because despite the fact that the commission has looked at it and despite the fact that the notion seems to be straightforward and seems to be equitable, I still think there are some problems, as I have had a chance to look at it again from the initial look I had at it some time ago.

I say to the government members that there is but one small example of something that warrants a different, more in-depth examination. But having said that, I want to come back to my main point, because on that score I could live even with the flat rate. It's not my preferred amount, my preferred way to go, but it certainly is not going to throw things completely out of line. Where I have a real problem, where I come back to the point that I was making a few moments ago, is this increase of the central party expenditures, because again, what the government tries to say is, "We're simply bringing that into line with the federal election proposals and amounts."

But there are different circumstances that apply there. There's a very different reality. The question I would put again to the government members is this: What has changed since the last provincial election that warrants the need for the government and the Tory caucus and the Tory party to feel that they need election rules that allow them to spend in this coming election almost $1.5 million more than they were able to spend in the last election? The province hasn't changed dramatically in terms of the number of voters to warrant that kind of significance; in fact, if you want to look at it simply in the number of additional voters, that would have been picked up under the old formula as well.

There is obviously something that's different, and what is different, of course, is the three years that we have had now and the almost four years that I guess we'll have of the Mike Harris government before the next election. They know that what they have to do is be able to control to a far greater degree than they do now all of the rules and all of the climate around elections, because that's the way in which they believe they can get themselves re-elected.

We are going to have a situation where we have a shorter election period, and at the end of the day only Mike Harris will know (a) exactly how long it's going to be, and (b) exactly when it's going to be. We are going to have a government that is going to be able to spend more money and, quite frankly, they are going to be able to raise that money, because they are also increasing the amounts that each individual and each company particularly can donate to political parties. They are setting up the rules so they will be able to spend far more money in a time frame that is shorter than the last election.

Those are two very basic differences from what exists even at the federal level, because when you compare the federal amount that you can spend, you have to bring it back to the shorter campaign period that we will have now, and while people may say, "Well, 28 days, isn't that long enough?" maybe it is and maybe it isn't.

The reality is that the current time frame usually means that you have at least a week to get things going. People begin to think about the fact that there's an election. Yes, there's the issue of the enumeration lists, and actually that's the one thing that has been going forward that I find acceptable, which is the move towards a permanent voters' list. I want to say that, because if there is a permanent voters' list that is constantly updated - that's the key thing, because otherwise you just get into the same kind of nightmare that we have had with the lists that have be made up at each election. Even with a permanent voters' list, we are still going to have a situation where if the rules aren't fair enough, one party, in this case the Conservative Party, is going to have a big leg up on the rest of the political field.

I would think that has got to be one of the basic reasons why the government is going to this extreme step to bring in this piece of legislation in the way they have done, to ram it through in the way they have done, to not be willing to allow, even within these very strict confines of the crazy time lines that they have set, members of the opposition to put amendments to this bill, which could have been done, as I said to the government members, even within their constraints by allowing some time in committee of the whole. Even that they're not prepared to do.

We have set out a number of amendments - certainly our leader and our caucus chair, the member for Hamilton Centre, who has been taking a lead for us on this and has been doing a fabulous job in terms of putting forward these ideas, defending in effect the need for rules that are fair, for rules that are equitable, for rules that allow all political parties and all candidates a fair opportunity to put their cases before the electors - and the government just simply is deciding that they're not going to listen.

I'm not particularly surprised by that. I'm not particularly surprised to see a government that is refusing to listen even to the most reasonable of positions. Quite frankly, I have stopped being surprised by the tactics that the government uses. They continue to try to give us half of the truth and to leave out the other half of the story, and expect us and the public to be gullible enough to just simply take their half statement as being the whole truth.

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We have continued on a day-to-day basis to point out that the shorter campaign period was not part of the recommendations that came forward from the election finances commission; making sure, for example, that all parties have an equal right to get to voters' lists; that to have a provision that allows parties to buy additional voters' lists or to get updated voters' lists and use them for their own exclusive use is not something that should be brought in, and various other amendments.

We have listed, I believe, some 27 or 29 various amendments that we have found in this bill that were not part of the commission's recommendations. Why do I say that? Because one of the lines the government has been using in this whole discussion to force this thing through has been that what they're doing is (a) updating this to the federal rules, and (b) simply following what the commission had recommended. They go to great pains to point out that the commission has been a tripartite body in terms of the representatives there being appointed from the three political parties, that in fact the current chair is a former active member of the New Democratic Party, forgetting of course that he is now in a non-partisan position as chair of the commission, that he's not a partisan appointee in that sense.

Even leaving aside the fact that for a government that continues to rely on the commission as the basis for why it's bringing forward this piece of legislation and many of the changes in it, they are then turning around and abolishing that same commission, even leaving that aside, the reason we have been highlighting this issue has been to continue to point out to the public that many of these significant changes that the Tories are bringing forward are not things the commission recommended. What the government has done is simply taken a number of the recommendations the commission made, added to those some of these very significant twists, at the heart of which is the combination of being able to spend more money as a party together with a shorter campaign period, and they have completely changed the nature of the package that's in front of us. They have refused to have the bill go out to committee, and then they are insisting on ramming this piece of legislation through with the excuse or the rationale that it has to be done so the political parties, the commission and the election office can start to gear up for an election.

I remember other debates, not but a few days ago, when members opposite were saying, "The election's not for another two years, so what's the rush?" What's the rush? I say to the government members. If we've got all of this time, then why do you need to ram this piece of legislation through now? Why have you refused to even allow us to put some of the amendments that we had wanted to? What's the rush?

The rush I think is twofold. First is that it's not going to be two years until the next election. Maybe that's the only good news in this whole thing, because voters will get to judge Mike Harris long before two years from now, I suspect. I think some time in the next 12 months is more realistic, but time will tell. But more significant than that is the fact that because the government wants to at least keep its doors open, keep its options open, and second, wants to be ready in the event, because they will have an election some time in the next 12 months, what the government is doing, what the Tory party is doing through this legislation is crafting the rules so they will be able to influence voters by being able to spend more money.

I wish I could say that's something at the end of the day that doesn't make a lot of difference, but experience tells me it does make some difference. Will the Tories be able to buy the election? Will they be able to actually control completely what voters have to say in the next election? I hope not, and I don't think so at the end of the day.

There are two things we've seen happen in the last couple of elections. The first is that during the first part of the election campaign, the people decide whether they're going to vote in favour of or against the existing party. For the last couple of elections, we've seen in fact the electorate decide in the first couple of weeks it was pretty clear they were going to vote against the party in government.

Then the next decision in the second part of the campaign comes: Which of the other two parties are they going to go for? I think again the only good news I can take going into this next election is that it seems that a majority of voters have already decided they don't want to see Mike Harris re-elected, and it's in fact because of that - we know there's still a choice that people will have to make between the Liberals and the New Democrats and we will, of course, over the next number of months continue to talk to people about why we as New Democrats believe we are the only true alternative to what Mike Harris is doing.

But I want to stay on the election finances law and on the election laws today. Maybe that's also one of the reasons why Mike Harris and his cohorts are pushing this law, knowing they've got a chunk of people who, yes, approve of what they're doing, but they've also got a large number of people very angry at them. They believe what they need to do is to stack the rules as strongly as they can in their favour, use the kind of advertising approach that we have seen them do now with two or three major things - the last one that is going out to people's doors now is health care - and do all that in the buildup to the election, then knowing, as Mike Harris and his advisers will know, when they're going to pull the plug and when they're going to call the election, to be ready to go, to spend a pile more money than they've ever spent before in the hope that will get them through.

All I can say, as I conclude my comments, is I hope at the end of the day the Ontario electorate will see through all of that. I hope and trust that the Ontario electorate will continue to exercise its ongoing wisdom and stay true to where at least the majority of voters are now, which is that Mike Harris is the worst thing that has happened to this province, that the Mike Harris agenda is the worst thing that has happened to this province in memory and that the last thing we need and want is the re-election of the Mike Harris government.

But they need to be wary that the government of Mike Harris will do everything in their power to give half the story, half the truth, and to try to paint that half of the story as being the whole truth. We need to understand that's what this is all about and the election finances changes this government is so intent in pushing through are part and parcel of that pre-election and election strategy, because these guys - and they are mainly "these guys" - want to make sure they've got the rules all set up in their favour so they can just try to ram things through the next election, just like they've rammed through various pieces of legislation in this House.

I say again, I believe and hope that at the end of the day the Ontario electorate will be wiser and smarter and not let Mike Harris get away with that.

Mr Marchese: I must admit, like the member for Dovercourt, I have similar questions. He asks why they would be doing this. I've got to tell you, when the government introduced this act I thought it was an act of political idiocy, a foolhardy act. Why would they do it at this time? I thought it was a very risky thing to do because at a time when you want to coast, because you're going to be calling the election very soon, in a short period of time, why would you want to risk political suicide by telling the public you are about to engage in some skulduggery? So I too questioned the nature of their political judgement, but they continue to surprise me. It is a party of surprises, I tell you, and this bill is a surprise to me.

I've got to say, there have been a number of members who have talked about the whiz kids behind the scenes. They're not the ones really. The one behind the forces of darkness is Mike Harris in particular, who epitomizes and is the embodiment of these problems I am about to speak of, but the real forces of darkness are the ones with the big pockets, the deep pockets. I will speak to this issue in terms of the substantive changes this government has made and how that connects to the people with the big bucks and how that connects them to these Tories, because there is a connection here.

The real enemy here, where the forces of darkness are embodied, is Mike Harris, the Premier. It's not the whiz boys. They come up with a few ideas, but in the end it is the Premier who decides what goes ahead and what doesn't. It isn't the few young men or women they have behind the scenes. It isn't they; it is mon ami M. Harris, the Premier. He's got the power and essentially he decides.

I tell you, I was surprised by this move. I've got to bring a soccer analogy to give some lucidity to this matter.

Interjection.

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Mr Marchese: You'll see; it will make sense, because it will be graphic to those who at least understand soccer. There are a couple of billions watching the game, so I'm assuming that a few hundred thousand in Ontario will understand it, or a couple of million.

Romania defeated England 2-1 today. What an upset - tough game. But we can't have a moment of silence in this place on the game, Madam Speaker, so we'll overrule that issue.

But try to understand the rules of the game, to get you to connect to this Bill 36, as a way of showing how reptilian this act is. We have two teams, one on either side, and there are lines that define where players play. On either side there are two goalposts. What you have here normally - well, you always have it. It's not "normally"; it's part of the game. You have a referee. The referee decides when someone has committed a foul, and there are three types of things the referee will call. He will call a penalty shot when somebody in the penalty area trips another player. The referee is there to say, "There's a penalty here."

Mr Gilles Pouliot (Lake Nipigon): A green card.

Mr Marchese: With a green card, exactly. But if it's a really foul play you get a red card and you're out for a couple of games. In that penalty area, if a member of the team that is about to score gets tripped or something like that, the referee is there to say, "Foul play, penalty"; or if the ball goes out of the boundaries, out of those white lines, one of the two teams, depending on who kicked it out, gets to throw the ball, and that's called a throw-in back into the game; or if someone trips but it's not a major trip, it's a free kick for the team or the player who had been the victim; he shoots the free kick. These are the rules of the game, but there's a referee to make sure that the rules are upheld. That's a playing field that is even for both teams.

What we've got in this place are three political parties, and the election finances commission comes up with some ideas that they propose to the government, based on the input of the various political parties, and at the end of that they're negotiated.

These things have been dealt with in 1975 and 1986 on the basis of a playing field that is fair, and we expected in this particular instance to be playing by some rules. We expected that. Our member for Hamilton Centre was quite prepared to go to that meeting to discuss and negotiate what reasonable things the election finances commission had proposed that we might support or agree or disagree with and try to come up with an agreement that all parties agreed with. That's part of the fair game. Like soccer, we have a referee, based on rules.

In this particular instance, what Mike Harris, the Premier, has done is that he has decided to play the referee. The referee no longer is neutral. We don't know what kind of call the referee's going to make, because the Premier, not a neutral person, is calling the shots. Do you see, by following the rules, how that can be completely unfair? You can't have the Premier who decides the rules. You need a neutral referee.

Not only that, but what M. Harris, the Premier, has done is that he has decided: "I, as the referee, decree that there will be no goalposts on our side. The other side will have goalposts, but on our side there will be no goalposts, meaning they won't know how to score against us. Only we, the government, will know how to score because me, Mikey, I'm the referee and I shoot against those two goalposts set there in the field." You see, he's eliminated the goalposts.

I hope that the lesson in soccer, as brief as it was, gives a clear sense, for those who are watching some soccer games, of what we're talking about. There are rules, and FIFA, the international organization, sets those rules. Referees are there for that specific purpose, to make sure that both sides have an equal ability to play the game.

What M. Harris has done here - even if you can't follow all of the details of Bill 36, you get an idea of why I call this bill a reptilian act, "act" both in terms of action and in terms of a bill. You heard me use this word "reptilian," but it applies in this case, because it is underhanded, it is slippery, it is serpentine in nature. They're bypassing a process that we abide by, generally speaking, so the rules can be fair to all at all times.

We've been through government and we left government - at least the people decided that we shouldn't be government - and it will happen to them too. It's a question of time. If it isn't this time, which I hope it is, it'll be the next, and then they will have to face these undemocratic rules we are about to face.

Why reptilian? Because we had a process and they bypassed this process. The process would have deemed that we should be part of that negotiating table, agreeing, as political parties, what is acceptable to all of us. They decide here in this particular case that there will be no hearings. Why would they do that, unless they know full well that this would be found by the public to be an unacceptable act.

They wanted to have several weeks of hearings on the Condominium Act, an act that all three political parties agree on. Don't you find that absurd, that on matters upon which we agree they want to have hearings and on matters of fundamental difference they decide they don't need hearings?

This is a bill where there are fundamental differences here that give that side the unfair advantage. They are like the hooligans in some of those soccer games, where they cause chaos in the streets and in the stadium. You might shrug and say, "No, it's not comparable," but it is like that when you break the rules. When you change the rules and set the rules to fit your own political partisanship, you behave no differently from any other hooligan in the street. That's why we say that if you're going to be fair and you want to give hearings on something that all of us agree on, then give hearings to those things that need to be dealt with, not just by political parties but by the general public.

On the whole issue of process, we have talked about that. My colleague from Hamilton Centre has talked about that before. Many other members have touched on this as well. On the issue of process, clearly it is unfair and unacceptable. But on the issue of substance - and this too has been touched upon; the member for Dovercourt just touched on it - political parties can now spend $1.3 million centrally, from the central campaign. Who do you think that will benefit? It benefits the parties that are able to raise money.

Now, how do we raise money? New Democrats raise it from individual membership, people who are faithful to the political ideology we represent.

Mr Joseph Spina (Brampton North): Unions.

Mr Marchese: The member for Brampton North says unions. He's right. We get 15% of support from unions.

Mr Spina: That's all, 15%?

Mr Marchese: That is all. Listening to him, from Brampton North, he'll make you think that millions are pouring into our coffers for an election. Fifteen per cent; the rest comes from individual contributions.

The Liberals are different. They have individual contributions, but much of their money too comes from deep pockets, corporate pockets. They'll want to pretend it's just the Tories who have corporate friends. They do too; they've got lots of corporate friends.

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But the real corporate party is opposite to me where the forces of evil are on the other side. Their connection to the corporations is symbiotic. It is almost inseparable. They are so closely connected, you need a chisel to break them apart. You need a chisel to break that union that exists between the corporations and them. They'll pretend it isn't true. They'll say they support the little guy; some of them are red Tories and they really care about the little guy and so on. Right?

Mr Len Wood (Cochrane North): Not very many.

Mr Marchese: There aren't too many that I can think of, but I must admit they must have some of those kinds of people who support them, for sure.

But their corporate buddies are the ones these people support. The $1.3 million central funding is designed to get a few more bucks from their friends. Do you remember M. Harris, the Premier, when he held that little conference with the big boys? He said to them, "You've been there with us, you've stood by me, you've stood by the Tories, and we're going to be there to stand by you when you need us," meaning, "When I need you guys, you'll be there, and when you need me, I'll be there for you." It's symbiotic. That's what it's all about, and they're going to get the money to have a good central campaign, make no mistake about it.

In addition, what they have done is permit the corporations to give a little more, because the limit used to be $7,000. It's now $15,000. Isn't that nice? Little individuals can contribute - if you contribute up to $200, you get 75% back, right? But we don't have corporate friends to go to. Besides that, I don't want to go to any of them for support. I wouldn't want to be connected in that way to the corporations. I would feel -

Mr Wayne Wettlaufer (Kitchener): No. You would rather go to the big unions.

Mr Marchese: The member for Kitchener wasn't here when I said it. We get 15% of support from the unions. They get big, big bucks from the corporations.

Mr Wettlaufer: You get big bucks from the big unions, but you don't get any support from their members.

The Deputy Speaker: Order, please.

Interjection: The BMW club.

Mr Marchese: The BMW club indeed.

So we increase the amount that is rebatable from $7,000 to $15,000, but that's okay, isn't it? Sure. It's democracy. It's corporate democracy. It's capitalism at its best. It works so well. "We give to the corporations and the corporations give us back something." You have one of the ministers saying: "This isn't about money. Money does not buy elections. This is not what we are doing here."

Minister, please. The act speaks for itself. The act says you are increasing the contribution that a corporation can make. Isn't that designed to get more from them so you can have a better campaign? Oh, please: "This isn't about money." What does that mean, it isn't about money? This is a minister of the crown. We're not just talking about anybody. This is a minister saying this kind of stuff. You've got to worry.

Mr Pouliot: It's about buying the election.

Mr Marchese: "It's about buying the election." Oh, we can't have that. Minister Hodgson wouldn't say that. He would say: "It's not about money. It's about" - what would he say? I don't know, because he was asked some questions today, and he babbled here and there. He blah, blah, blahed through the whole thing. We kept on saying to the minister, "Minister, did you answer the question that my colleague from Hamilton Centre asked?" and he was stone-faced, blah, blah, blah.

The problem with New Democrats is that we used to answer questions. We used to answer every question that was asked of us. We had some exceptions, like my friend from Nipigon, who is an excellent speaker, excellent at answering questions, but I'll tell you, people admired him when he spoke, because at least he had something beautiful to say each and every time.

But some of these guys - blah, blah, blah, blah, blah, day in and day out. I tell you, Speaker, you don't know the pain I go through surviving question period daily. Surviving it is a real victory for me. I'm not sure how it is for the people watching this program, but I've got to tell you, it's painful to be here, and not just for question period. You should listen to some of the speeches. When you hear some of the speeches from the other side, I tell you, it's difficult to take. I've got to contain myself. You know what I mean, Speaker. People watching know what I mean. They say: "Mr Marchese is right. He knows exactly what I feel."

They're ramming it through. They're ramming it through for a purpose, and they're muzzling us by calling a time allocation motion. Why do you do that? You don't want the general public to know what is going on, because that's what taking this bill to the public means. You take the bill all around Ontario to give people an opportunity to review your bill and to comment on the bill. That's what it's about. When you time-allocate, you are essentially putting a coffin on the entire bill. That's what you're doing. That's why we're upset on this side, because we want people to have an opportunity.

The member for Hamilton Centre as well earlier on said that a particular section allows a political party to pay for a special revision of the voters' list and they get to have exclusive use of that particular list. It's connected to the whole point of having an extra $1.3 million that the party has access to in order to be able to do things of this nature.

They also want to abolish the election finance commission as part of this bill. Why would they do that? We believe this election finance commission is fair, inasmuch as they get input from people, rightly or wrongly at times, because often some of the members may not have the full information at their disposal to make informed decisions, but that's another matter. That's why that comes back to the political parties for debate. But these guys, forces of evil on the other side again, want to eliminate the election finance commission, to be replaced by a government-appointed chief electoral officer, appointed by them no less.

You should see, in the government agencies committee - we meet every Wednesday, and I've got to tell you, they're all Tories that I have to deal with in there. Their appointments are all Tories, God bless them all. Some are nice people, no doubt, but they're all Tories.

I recall that when I was in that committee they would bring - it's like they had German shepherds there at the door sniffing out New Democrats. I've got to tell you, they did - German shepherds sniffing out New Democrats. As soon as a New Democrat came in, they said, "Ah, we got one." And then you had the other German shepherds inside the committee dealing with this particular issue. Member for Dovercourt, do you know what I mean? Of course, I understand that.

Ms Shelley Martel (Sudbury East): Do you want a quorum call?

Mr Marchese: No, we're fine.

Speaker, this is what we're talking about. Their elected appointee would be a Tory, for sure, that Premier Mike Harris would appoint. That is why these 23 additions that were made by Harris - not the little guys behind the scenes, but Harris -

Mr Pouliot: The big guy.

Mr Marchese: The big guy. These 23 additions made by him, not the commission, need to be taken out for hearings. If people watching have a sense of what we're talking about, a sense of injustice being committed in this House, I urge you to call Mike Harris, the Premier, and tell him that you find these actions completely undemocratic and that you disagree with them so much you will end up not supporting some of these guys.

There is so much more to say, but the member for Hamilton Centre would like to say a few things so I cede the floor to him.

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Mr David Christopherson (Hamilton Centre): First of all, let me compliment my colleagues, both the members for Fort York and Dovercourt, for the excellent review of what's going on here. It's difficult. We're down to, at this moment, 17 minutes and 33 seconds away from the end of any kind of participation by anybody on the planet with regard to the rules and financing of the next election. It's almost a surreal moment.

Here we have a situation where the government claims in the latter part of their term that they have every right and no other alternative than to ram through changes to how we run elections and how they're financed, yet the reality is that the law doesn't take effect until January 1, 1999. It doesn't take effect until that date; it's right in the legislation. The Premier said earlier this year that there will not be an election in 1998. He can of course change his mind, or perhaps - oh, I can't use unparliamentary language, but there are other explanations why he would say that and then it may not become the reality.

But in following the tradition of this place, if we take the Premier at his word, then his word is that there is no election this year. Add to that the fact that the bill doesn't take effect until January 1, 1999. Add to that the fact that in the history of laws that regulate elections and the financing of them, there has never been a change that didn't have the support of all the parties. Add to that the fact that there are 23 major, substantive recommendations, soon to be law, in Bill 36 that were not part of the election finances commission report. Of course it is that report that the government says gives them the moral authority to ram that legislation through.

There is no way that anyone who (a) cares about democracy in Ontario and (b) takes a look at the real facts, not the rhetoric, of what's going on here can conclude that this is anything other than fixing the next election so that the Mike Harris Tories have a built-in advantage going into the next election. It's the only explanation. Nothing else holds up.

To be very frank about this, had they followed the election finances commission report to the T, we would have been in an awkward political situation. That has already been reported in the media, and I acknowledge that, because there are representatives from all three parties on there, and they all did sign on, at least publicly. We know that behind the scenes - they do things in camera - there was debate and differences, but it has been the culture and the history of that commission that they would publicly show a united front.

We are paying a tremendous price for that politically, but that's just the way it is. My point is, had the government done that, then it would have been a lot more difficult for us to, quite frankly, be credible and legitimate in the outrage we feel, and we do feel that rage, because some of the most powerful impacts on the next election are not part of that commission report. It didn't come from anywhere other than the whiz kids in the Premier's office and the backroom people in the PC Party.

What's infuriating for us is that this is happening at exactly the same time that the same anti-democratic procedure is being used on a vicious piece of anti-labour legislation. On Thursday we debated the closure of debate, the snuffing out of any kind of input by the public, or the opposition for that matter, on the labour bill - the anti-labour bill more accurately. Now we're going through the same thing here tonight. This is about the government imposing its will, using its majority to stifle any opposition.

There's only one thing that matters to the government right now in my opinion, and that's Thursday night. Thursday night is the goal line. The point of getting to Thursday night is that this House shuts down for the summer break. I believe thoroughly, totally and sincerely, that the reason the government is prepared to do what on the surface appears unfathomable - it's incredible that anybody would do this - that the only reason they're doing it is because their thinking is, "If we can just hang on till Thursday night the labour law becomes the law of the land and we've taken care of our corporate buddies, and the new election laws that nobody else had any input into also become the law of the land." The hope is that you trigger past Thursday night, people get into the summer months and they forget all about it. That's the game plan: Just hunker down, get through the rest of this week, and then get out into the summer months and hope that people forget.

Unfortunately, there seem to be an awful lot of people who don't relate these two pieces of legislation, in particular the election finances, but also the anti-labour law, to their own lives. I think they see it as what's called inside baseball; it's just inside fighting. It's like when levels of government are bickering. The vast majority of the public tune out, they just glaze over.

Transfer payments don't mean a lot unless you're in government. That has changed, given the fact that people now understand that transfer payments, downloading, do have relevance to their lives, incredible relevance, because in every community, including my own of Hamilton-Wentworth, citizens are faced with reduced services and increased property taxes. That's real. When you try to sign up your child for little league and it's either not there or you're paying a user fee that you didn't have to before, particularly if you can't afford it, that has relevance to people. When we start talking over $100 a year minimum increases in property tax, that has relevance to people.

This legislation ought to have the same kind of relevance. First of all, I don't think people actually have internalized and accepted the nature of what's happening here, that the laws and the rules of the next election are being changed unilaterally and arbitrarily by the majority party in power. That changes the meaning of the election and I believe in some significant ways it'll affect the outcome of that election - more money, less time, more ability to put on more ads.

Remember the hate ads in the last election? Don't kid yourself. Right now with all the limits off on any kind of polling and research, they're studying right now in the pre-election period where those emotional hot buttons are. Never mind the real matters of the day, the substantive policy issues. What they want are the hot buttons, to find out what makes you angry. And there are legitimate things that would make you angry, as there are in all our lives. If they can focus in on those issues with enough detail and then hit you and us with those messages over and over, they know they'll get a reaction. If they can play on that reaction, they can affect what you do in the ballot box.

How many people watching tonight voted for Mike Harris? They're probably feeling very bad, I hope, and a little bit ashamed that they were taken in. But how many people voted for one or two things they heard Mike Harris say in the election and then found out afterwards: "My God, I didn't know it meant all of this. I just didn't know"?

Let me tell you, that didn't happen by accident; that happened because they focused their advertising on those messages, because they knew it would evoke an emotional reaction. When we respond to emotion, most of us will set aside reason, set aside rational thought and react to our emotions. A lot of that emotion was about finding people to blame: "If we just go after those people, then we know" -

Mr Terence H. Young (Halton Centre): What about the Agenda for People? What about that?

The Deputy Speaker (Ms Marilyn Churley): Order, please.

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Mr Christopherson: You can hear them starting to heckle. I think I'm touching a nerve, that's why they're heckling.

The fact of the matter is, that's what this is all about. It's all about allowing them to use the one advantage they have over all of us, and that is, the ability to raise big money real quick. But that's only good if you can spend it. Raising big money under our laws is not of much use if you can't spend it. So in order to maximize this benefit they have, they need to change the rules. And because they don't want to face public criticism that these rules - particularly those that are outside the commission's recommendations - favour them, and the fact that the House rises on Thursday evening, they're prepared to hunker down, take the heat and take all of what we've been giving them here today. Whatever else might go out in print in terms of the media, they're prepared to take all of that because it gives them a whole new set of rules that lets them take a huge advantage over the opposition, both by being the government, in terms of the timing of the election and the shortness of it, and also the fact that they're the party that has taken care of their corporate friends and those friends are going to repay them with lots of cash.

That's one of the reasons, for instance, the corporate donations have doubled. That wasn't recommended by the commission; they thought that up. Do you think that's something we would dream up? It's something the Tories dreamed up to suit themselves.

That's why we're so infuriated, because they've changed the rules of the House so that we can't do anything procedurally that would hold this up and force them into public hearings; like we did will Bill 26, where we had to hijack the House to force the government. We hijacked this House and we said, "We are not letting go until you give the people of Ontario some kind of say on what you're doing in Bill 26." Remember, that's the bill that created the Health Services Restructuring Commission that's going across Ontario shutting down hospitals. We can't do that any more. Those rules are changed.

Talk about Winston Churchill's comment about the Iron Curtain, there's an iron curtain that was drawn down the centre of this place here. On the government side are all the rights and privileges that all members used to have, and on this side of the House there are a few crumbs left, and that's about it; nothing that really matters or gets in the way of power.

I'm informed that they've tabled another time allocation motion - is that right? - on the red tape bills. We know what the group of environmentalists said today about regulations in the environment that have been dismantled. So here it goes: Another few days left in the House, another time allocation motion.

I've only got a few minutes left. I want to say right now, though, and I want to make sure that it's clearly understood - I mentioned it in a member's statement - that this government has every responsibility to take this Bill 36 out to summer hearings. There's no reason you can't. Bring it back in the fall as a priority if you wish, but give the people of Ontario the opportunity to be heard on their own bill. But that's not going to happen for all the reasons I said earlier.

What you've done also by ramming this through is deny other pieces of legislation an opportunity to be heard. We have a bill in front of this House, the Hamilton-Wentworth restructuring bill introduced by my colleague from the Liberal Party, the member for Hamilton East - and I commend him for introducing that bill. The minister said he supports it. That's real money and real services in my community of Hamilton-Wentworth, and this government said there's not enough time to do it because they've got other priorities. And what are those priorities? Ramming through legislation and ensuring that a day like today is used up approving a motion that kills any debate: no amendments, no public hearings, no democracy. That's why Hamilton-Wentworth can't get their bill through this place, and a whole lot of other bills that matter to people.

I guess we just have to accept it, because the only ones who could do anything about this are the public. The media of late have reported on this; in fact, I believe one of the things that twigged this was an article by Ian Urquhart of the Star, so to be fair, they have at least given it reasonable play. Obviously, we'd like to have seen more, but there have been editorials and there have been columnists commenting on it; we'd like to have seen it bigger, of course. The only way this can really change is if the public says to the government: "You can't do this. This is not your province and your personal property to do with as you please. We all own this province." When it comes to having an election where we decide under our system who are the very fortunate people who have the privilege and honour of serving in this House - and it is a real privilege and a real honour - then that should matter to people.

We would care if this was South Africa and they did this, or in some other place where they're just starting out a democracy. We'd say: "Oh, they came so close. If only the government of the day or the ruling party hadn't tilted it so that real democracy couldn't come through." That's what's happening here, and this government is betting that you don't care. They're betting you don't care, and if you don't, get used to this, because there'll be a lot more. Why wouldn't there be? The tyranny of the majority: That's what we face in Ontario, and it's despicable.

Mr Gilchrist: I'm pleased to add a few more comments and perhaps lower the volume of commentary in here today. For anyone watching at home, I can confirm we actually do have microphones here, but the member opposite decides to just increase the volume of his comments to make up for the lack of quality.

He also conveniently leaves aside, consistently, that this government has one opportunity that his government did not have: We were able to learn from all of your mistakes. If you think somehow that we're consumed with the idea that by putting a bill through today, people will forget over the summer, that strategy didn't work for you. You didn't sit the entire last year and look what happened to you during the 1995 election. People are smarter than that.

Mr Christopherson: Let's have a fight under the same rules. Come on, big shot bully. Come on, bully.

The Deputy Speaker: Order, member for Hamilton Centre.

Mr Christopherson: You are a coward. You won't fight under the same rules.

The Deputy Speaker: Member for Hamilton Centre, come to order. I'm not warning you again.

Mr Gilchrist: Isn't this intriguing? The member opposite filled the airwaves with righteous indignation for a quarter of an hour and now he's saying we somehow are undermining the system because he thinks we should fight the next election under the same rules - "the same rules." I want to take him quite literally, because throughout this debate we've heard that one of the things the bill will attempt to address is the fact that there was a wide variance in spending limits in ridings all across the province of Ontario. The bill continues to recognize that the geographically vast ridings in the north will get extra spending allowance, because obviously they face different demands. Before he slinks out, I want to point out to the member for Hamilton Centre that the same rules he's suggesting -

The Deputy Speaker: Member for Scarborough East, I think that was personal and unparliamentary and I believe you should retract that.

Mr Gilchrist: I will withdraw, although we hear far worse every day in here, Madam Speaker.

Before he leaves - he's still intent on leaving because he doesn't want to hear the answer after he heckles from the other side. If we fight the next election on the same rules, the member for Hamilton Centre wants $1.34, which is the current spending limit, not the 96 cents that this bill would bring forward. Now we understand why he's so indignant. It makes a complete mockery of his comments about this bill accomplishing the buying of an election. The spending limit per voter that the member fought the 1995 election under was $1.34; this bill will say 96 cents.

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Let's go further. We heard comments from the member for Fort York, $1.07; comments from the member for Dovercourt, $1.08; the two members opposite who I debate every week, the member for Beaches-Woodbine, $1.13; the member for York South, $1.16. In every case the people who are suggesting that this bill is going to increase the ability to buy votes will in fact see a tightening up, will see a reduction in the amount of money any one of them can spend in terms of influencing the voters.

There are so many other myths. I guess they believe, as they whistle their way through the graveyard, that if they just keep saying something over and over again, by osmosis people will pick up these things to be truisms.

Let's deal with the facts, and I know that frustrates, but the facts. In the last audited report of the Commission on Election Finances, let's talk about the average gift from individuals to the three parties. The Ontario Liberal Party got an average of $169; the NDP, $81; and we got $121. The Liberals got more. From the corporations - this one is very telling - Liberals, $930; NDP, $910; average corporate gift to the PC Party, $522 - $400 less than the Liberals; $400 less than you got. But there's a third category, one that particularly the NDP would not ever like to have mentioned in this chamber: trade unions. In this one you don't take a back seat to anyone. The Liberals' average gift from trade unions, $409; the average gift to the NDP, $763. You're asking yourself, Madam Speaker, I'm sure, "What did the Tories get?" You're smiling because you know the answer: Nothing. Zero.

Interjections.

The Deputy Speaker: Order, please.

Mr Gilchrist: I obviously struck a nerve.

The fact of the matter is, they would love to focus your attention on corporations. They would love to talk about rich friends. The fact is, either as individuals or as corporations, the richest friends are the friends of the Liberal Party. But that other category, the one they never talk about, is the unions, the people from whom they get large donations.

We never hear it talked about in here, the influence the unions have. When the teachers' unions speculate about buying the next election by putting out so much third-party advertising, they'd be spending more money than the number one advertiser in Canada: McDonald's. That's okay. They have no problem with that, knowing full well, at least taking the teachers' unions at their word, that the advertising is not going to be pro-government. They're happy that that subversion of the political process might very well take place. But don't ever put in rules that would provide fairness across all the ridings in Ontario. Don't ever talk about matching the federal spending even though it's on record.

Let me just quote from the letter of the representative of the Liberal Party that was part of the all-party discussion that took place a number of weeks back about the proposals on how to deal with this bill. I'm quoting from Mr Dwight Duncan, who is the MPP for Windsor-Walkerville: "The government argued quite strongly during the debate on Bill 81 that if the federal ridings were good enough for the federal government, then they were good enough for the provincial government. Liberals ask," - note that he didn't say that Dwight Duncan asks; he lumped all Liberals in - "if the federal expense limits were high enough for the recent federal election campaign, why are they not high enough for Mike Harris?"

The answer is, they are. We accept categorically that the same demands that a prospective MP would have faced in canvassing his or her riding will be identical to the challenges we will face and our opponents will face. The ridings are the same size and they will in fact have the same costs.

Mr Bradley: On a point of order, Madam Speaker: I just want to know if I missed - I could be wrong. Did the member say that polling, research and travel are now exempted from any spending limits at all? I didn't hear.

The Deputy Speaker: Member for St Catharines, that's not a point of order.

Mr Gilchrist: Not that you had a great expectation it would be, I'm sure, Madam Speaker, because they never are.

We indulged you a break in the middle of a coughing fit. I can assure you I have no similar medical emergency afflicting me right now, save and except the frustration and the mental anguish we have having to listen to the comments opposite some days.

The bottom line is, let's talk about some of those things, but they're already exempt. Again, one of the canards that are being floated around in the debate here is that somehow this is new. You know full well it is not new. Polling is exempt. More to the point, your comments earlier today and comments earlier during these debates, have been that somehow that too is an unfair influence in the political process, that somehow that will skew the results of the election, that the voters out there will be swayed when they see those polling numbers, to the extent that it makes a mockery of the election process.

I have to remind the member for St Catharines again that if you were correct, the fact of the matter is you'd be sitting on this side of the House because during the last election you spent five times as much on polling as the Conservatives did. So why didn't the Liberal Party win the election if, to take your words, polling skews the results and polling influences voters? Obviously, it's currently exempt, and if it continues to be exempt there is no change, but more to the point, there is no demonstrable case that polling has in any way influenced past elections.

There is so much more to say. Let me, as a couple of final comments here, say that it is very important for us to look at the actual costs of running elections. I don't think there is anyone who has made it into this chamber who wouldn't accept there are certain quantifiable costs. Everyone will undertake a certain amount of organization in their office. They will buy lawn signs. They will place some advertisements. They will have some costs, particularly in the rural areas, of actually getting out and around to see voters, to go to all-candidates' meetings.

But the fact that they are quantifiable allows us a very high comfort level that what we've learned in past elections, now looking at what the federal government has allowed, remembering that we have copied the shape and size of those federal ridings, it's quite appropriate for us to take all the historical knowledge, apply it to the federal spending limits and copy that.

The bottom line is that his bill will not subvert democracy. This bill will provide fairness. This bill provides a moderation of the vast vacillation in expenses that was allowed before this bill. My final point is that the bill is necessary. We bring this forward. The other two parties were offered an opportunity. They chose not to offer amendments. We have to proceed.

Mr Bradley: On a point of order, Madam Speaker: My point of order is to seek unanimous consent of the House to allow the member for Scarborough East to speak for another hour, please.

The Deputy Speaker: Is there unanimous consent? I hear a no.

Ms Bassett has moved government notice of motion 23. Is it the pleasure of the House that the motion carry?

All those in favour of the motion, please say "aye."

Those opposed, please say "nay."

In my opinion, the ayes have it.

Call in the members. There will be a five-minute bell.

The division bells rang from 1759 to 1804.

The Deputy Speaker: All those in favour of the motion will please rise.

Ayes

Arnott, Ted

Baird, John R.

Barrett, Toby

Bassett, Isabel

Beaubien, Marcel

Boushy, Dave

Brown, Jim

Carr, Gary

Carroll, Jack

Cunningham, Dianne

Danford, Harry

Doyle, Ed

Elliott, Brenda

Flaherty, Jim

Fox, Gary

Froese, Tom

Gilchrist, Steve

Grimmett, Bill

Guzzo, Garry J.

Hardeman, Ernie

Harnick, Charles

Hodgson, Chris

Hudak, Tim

Johns, Helen

Johnson, Bert

Johnson, David

Kells, Morley

Klees, Frank

Leach, Al

Leadston, Gary L.

Martiniuk, Gerry

Munro, Julia

Mushinski, Marilyn

Newman, Dan

O'Toole, John

Ouellette, Jerry J.

Rollins, E.J. Douglas

Ross, Lillian

Runciman, Robert W.

Saunderson, William

Shea, Derwyn

Sheehan, Frank

Skarica, Toni

Smith, Bruce

Spina, Joseph

Tsubouchi, David H.

Turnbull, David

Vankoughnet, Bill

Wettlaufer, Wayne

Wilson, Jim

Witmer, Elizabeth

Young, Terence H.

The Deputy Speaker: All those opposed to the motion will please rise.

Nays

Bartolucci, Rick

Bradley, James J.

Caplan, David

Christopherson, David

Cleary, John C.

Conway, Sean G.

Crozier, Bruce

Duncan, Dwight

Grandmaître, Bernard

Gravelle, Michael

Hoy, Pat

Kormos, Peter

Kwinter, Monte

Lalonde, Jean-Marc

Lessard, Wayne

Marchese, Rosario

Martel, Shelley

McGuinty, Dalton

McLeod, Lyn

Patten, Richard

Pouliot, Gilles

Ramsay, David

Ruprecht, Tony

Sergio, Mario

Silipo, Tony

Wood, Len

Clerk of the House (Mr Claude L. DesRosiers): The ayes are 52; the nays are 26.

The Deputy Speaker: I declare the motion carried.

It being past 6 of the clock, this House stands adjourned until 6:30 of the clock this evening.

The House adjourned at 1807.

Evening meeting reported in volume B.