LABOUR RELATIONS AMENDMENT ACT (CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY), 2000 / LOI DE 2000 MODIFIANT LA LOI SUR LES RELATIONS DE TRAVAIL (INDUSTRIE DE LA CONSTRUCTION)

MECHANICAL CONTRACTORS ASSOCIATION OF TORONTO

CONSTRUCTION UNIONS OF ONTARIO

ONTARIO GENERAL CONTRACTORS ASSOCIATION

INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF ELECTRICAL WORKERS CONSTRUCTION COUNCIL OF ONTARIO

TORONTO RESIDENTIAL CONSTRUCTION LABOUR BUREAU
METROPOLITAN TORONTO APARTMENT BUILDERS ASSOCIATION

TOM JONES CORP

BFC INDUSTRIAL
KVAERNER CONSTRUCTORS

INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF ELECTRICAL WORKERS, LOCAL 353

VANBOTS CONSTRUCTION CORP

INDEPENDENT CONTRACTORS ASSOCIATION

GREATER TORONTO HOME BUILDERS' ASSOCIATION

UNIVERSAL WORKERS UNION LOCAL 183

MASONRY INDUSTRY EMPLOYERS COUNCIL OF ONTARIO

ELLIS-DON CONSTRUCTION

CONTENTS

Thursday 18 May 2000

Labour Relations Amendment Act (Construction Industry), 2000, Bill 69, Mr Stockwell / Loi modifiant la Loi sur les relations de travail (industrie de la construction), projet de loi 69, M. Stockwell

Mechanical Contractors Association of Toronto
Mr Brian McCabe
Mr Steve Coleman
Mr Neil Prestwich

Construction Unions of Ontario
Mr Patrick Dillon

Ontario General Contractors Association
Mr Paul Charette
Mr Don Cameron

International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Construction Council of Ontario
Mr John Pender

Toronto Residential Construction Labour Bureau; Metropolitan Toronto
Apartment Builders Association

Mr Richard Lyall

Tom Jones Corp
Mr John Jones

BFC Industrial; Kvaerner Constructors
Mr Ken Steven
Mr Gary Robertson

International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Local 353
Mr Joe Fashion

Vanbots Construction Corp
Mr Matt Ainley

Independent Contractors Association
Mr Arthur Potts
Mr David McDonald

Greater Toronto Home Builders' Association
Mr Jim Murphy
Mr Eric Wegler

Universal Workers Union, Local 183
Mr Mark Lewis
Mr Antonio Dionisio

Masonry Industry Employers Council of Ontario
Mr John Blair
Mr Eugene George

Ellis-Don Construction
Mr Bob Smith

STANDING COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE AND SOCIAL POLICY

Chair / Présidente
Ms Marilyn Mushinski (Scarborough Centre / -Centre PC)

Vice-Chair / Vice-Président

Mr Carl DeFaria (Mississauga East / -Est PC)

Mr Marcel Beaubien (Lambton-Kent-Middlesex PC)
Mr Michael Bryant (St Paul's L)
Mr Carl DeFaria (Mississauga East / -Est PC)
Mrs Brenda Elliott (Guelph-Wellington PC)
Mr Garry J. Guzzo (Ottawa West-Nepean / Ottawa-Ouest-Nepean PC)
Mr Peter Kormos (Niagara Centre / -Centre ND)
Mrs Lyn McLeod (Thunder Bay-Atikokan L)
Ms Marilyn Mushinski (Scarborough Centre / -Centre PC)

Substitutions / Membres remplaçants

Mr Rick Bartolucci (Sudbury L)
Mr David Christopherson (Hamilton West / -Ouest ND)
Mr Raminder Gill (Bramalea-Gore-Malton-Springdale PC)

Clerk / Greffière

Ms Susan Sourial

Staff / Personnel

Mr Avrum Fenson, research officer, Research and Information Services

The committee met at 1537 in room 151.

LABOUR RELATIONS AMENDMENT ACT (CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY), 2000 / LOI DE 2000 MODIFIANT LA LOI SUR LES RELATIONS DE TRAVAIL (INDUSTRIE DE LA CONSTRUCTION)

Consideration of Bill 69, An Act to amend the Labour Relations Act, 1995 in relation to the construction industry / Projet de loi 69, Loi modifiant la Loi de 1995 sur les relations de travail en ce qui a trait à l'industrie de la construction.

The Chair (Ms Marilyn Mushinski): Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. We have quite a number of delegations this afternoon. I will remind you that delegations have a maximum of 10 minutes. You can use all of that 10 minutes as you wish. If there are a few minutes left after the completion of your submission, we will go to committee members for questions.

MECHANICAL CONTRACTORS ASSOCIATION OF TORONTO

The Chair: The first delegation is Mr Brian McCabe and Mr Neil Prestwich from the Mechanical Contractors Association. Good afternoon.

Mr Brian McCabe: Good afternoon. My name is Brian McCabe. I am the executive vice-president of the Mechanical Contractors Association of Toronto. Joining me are Neil Prestwich, president of S.I. Guttman Inc, and Steve Coleman, executive vice-president of the Mechanical Contractors Association of Ontario, our provincial body and employer bargaining agency.

Collectively, we represent 400 companies operating primarily in the industrial, commercial and institutional sector of Ontario's construction Industry.

To assist the committee in understanding our role in the overall construction process, we felt it was important to note that the mechanical portion of a typical ICI construction project includes anywhere from 40% to 60% of the total construction value and is usually the single most labour-intensive portion of any project.

Mechanical contractors are general contractors in their own right, in that a typical mechanical contract often includes anywhere from six to eight subcontracts with respect to sheet metal, refrigeration, sprinkler, fire protection, insulation and system controls, often along with subcontracts in the electrical and civil trades areas.

Our association has worked with the government over the past six months in discussions leading up to the introduction of Bill 69. Our position throughout these discussions has focused on the need for legislation embracing improved management rights as a source of added incentives for fairness, effective bargaining and improved competitiveness in Ontario's ICI construction industry.

Clearly, and to our disappointment, Bill 69 has overlooked this approach to dealing with our industry's problems, and the perception that the Minister of Labour has been conveying to the public that there exists broad management support for the content and intent of this legislation could not be more wrong.

Aside from our concern that an unduly time-consuming and difficult process approach versus a management rights approach has been taken in this legislation, of immediate concern to us is that section 160 of the proposed legislation amounts to a blatant oversight of universal management rights, a granting of further unilateral powers to construction unions, and is aimed at benefiting a strictly small and select group of general contractors.

The rationale for including section 160 does not appear to be evident. It begs the question of why it is there in the first place. No self-respecting union bargaining agent would even consider voluntarily giving up their tie to any individual contractor once that tie is in place. Union leaders work long and hard to gain these rights and certify employers or employer groups on behalf of employees. To give up those rights and subsequently allow the decertification of any employer would seem to be inconceivable.

We ask that section 160 be replaced with wording providing for certain controlled management rights for all construction employers, not just general contractors or select firms, clearly the true oversight of Bill 69. At minimum, it should be amended to require that the employer bargaining agency's approval also be required before any firm is granted relief under this section.

We also implore the committee not to support a call for special legislation to accommodate the release of a select group of general contractors, as certain parties have called for in earlier submissions. It is imperative that the committee recognize that all unionized employers face the same non-competitive challenges existing in Ontario that these select firms face, and relief for certain groups over others would be wrong. The supposed gains in competitiveness that Bill 69's enabling process generates will benefit these select firms, in whatever supposed way they benefit other employers tied to the union in any particular trade.

It is our understanding that the government intends to conduct a serious review of the ultimate impact this legislation has on our industry by December 31, 2001. We believe, however, that this review will be inconclusive, as key components of the act will have had insufficient time to determine their value, and current market conditions mean the industry will be busy and not in a position to thoroughly address lost markets and what it takes to compete in them.

Nonetheless, we look forward to playing a major role in this review and receiving the government's future support for additional legislative action where and when warranted to effectively address the lack of competitiveness and fairness in our industry.

We wish to sincerely thank the committee for its time and attention and ask for their full support of our noted amendments.

The Chair: Thank you, Mr McCabe. There are about four minutes left.

Mr Rick Bartolucci (Sudbury): Thank you very much for your presentation, Mr McCabe. You are obviously outlining some of the concerns you have with section 160 as it relates to getting out of agreements. It's safe to say that workers' incomes are businesses' expenses and that would be your reason for wanting to get out of that. Is that correct?

Mr Steve Coleman: Could you clarify that?

Mr Bartolucci: You don't want to get out of those agreements. Clarify that for me.

Mr Coleman: Our concern with section 160 is that we're trying to understand why that was put in the proposed bill. It seems to be written to accommodate what we understand is going to be special relief for six or eight companies. That has certainly been the understanding of the deal that's supposedly in the works. We can't understand why, for any reason, that section would be put in the bill other than for something like that. If there is going to be wording such as that left in the bill, at a minimum we want the requirement that the employer bargaining agency also can give a yes or no on whether a company escapes.

Mr Bartolucci: Sorry for misphrasing my question.

The other thing I want to deal with is in regard to the final offer selection. Are there any concerns with that, the way it's spelled out in the legislation?

Mr Neil Prestwich: My name is Neil Prestwich from S.I. Guttman. I'm part of MCAT and MCAO. We have some concerns in terms of the method in which that's going to be handled and the time frame it will take to deal with that. We also have concerns in terms of what's required to be able to put forward a strong argument for any amendments to the existing agreements. Our collective associations: Basically Brian represents MCAT, and other than Brian and a secretary in the office, that is the extent of the association. The resources are not in-house in order to effectively put something together for it.

The second part of it is that the way the amendments to the bill are written at this point precludes any changes to the existing agreements until such time as a new agreement is in place. Our new agreements don't come into place until next year. If the review is to be at the end of next year, there is only about a six-month time frame to even begin to look at these. That's in section 43, I believe, of section 7.

Mr David Christopherson (Hamilton West): Thank you for your presentation, gentlemen. I've got to tell you, this whole thing just gets curiouser and curiouser. My background is labour and I need a program to understand where the players are. You'll forgive me if part of my limited time is taken up just trying to understand exactly what's going down here. Section 160 provides that an employee bargaining agency, meaning the union, can abandon the bargaining rights that bargaining unit holds through the union, and 160 basically relieves them from any repercussions of abandoning those rights and leaving the workers.

You're opposed to that happening. I've got to tell you, this almost could have been a union submission. "No self-respecting union bargaining agent would even consider voluntarily giving up their tie to any individual contractor once that tie is in place. Union leaders work long and hard to gain those rights and certify ... ." You'll forgive me for being so confused as to what the play is, but obviously you do not want the unions to leave your workplace, or at least you want a say in whether that happens or not. Is that correct?

Mr Coleman: To explain, as we mentioned in our submission, we question why a union would ever unilaterally let any employer out. What we expect is happening is that there's been a deal where some will be let go and others will be left tied, and we feel that's discriminatory to other employers in this province. As we mention in our brief, our position is that there should be management rights equal for all employers, not some kind of mechanism built in to let some kind of a commitment be played out.

Mr Christopherson: Two quick things on that.

The Chair: Just one more minute, Mr Christopherson.

Mr Christopherson: I've got to tell you I have a little bit of a problem with your request based on the argument that it's the workers who decide whether or not they want to join a union, and not the employer. However, I understand that in this case it may be that the unions themselves are the ones abandoning-that's the word in the law-those workers. So I have a little bit of difficulty from a philosophical approach about your request, but I certainly understand the dilemma.

It's my understanding that the other group of contractors, the eight, their opinion is that they don't even want it voluntary, that they want it mandatory that every one of them has to abandon their rights.

Mr Coleman: That's right, and again our position is that the same rights they get, all employers in this province should get.

Mr Christopherson: What are the implications for this for you as a group? We heard it from the other side.

The Chair: Very short, please.

Mr Christopherson: I appreciate that, Chair.

I understand the benefit to the eight. What's your side of this?

Mr McCabe: If they get the opportunity to get out, our employers then don't have the same opportunity.

Mr Marcel Beaubien (Lambton-Kent-Middlesex): Thank you for your presentation. In the second-last paragraph you mention the lack of competitiveness and fairness in the industry. Briefly, for the little guy from Lambton-Kent-Middlesex who has not dealt with labour and doesn't understand the process, if you had to put your finger on the competitiveness and fairness aspect, what would you tell me?

Mr Coleman: I'll give you a couple of examples. We have new upstart companies that have come into the province to compete on the same work with companies that are tied strictly to the burdensome conditions of being union. These new companies oftentimes are members of unions who have formed companies, have started a non-union company, and they're out there competing against long-standing union companies that don't have the same opportunities. You have out-of-province companies coming into Ontario, and that disadvantages companies that have been long established here.

The marketplace is different in 2000 than it was in 1971, when things like section 1(4) were brought into this legislation. You heard the comments from the coalition yesterday. We fully support those opinions. We feel the government should be focusing on management rights across the board in this legislation, not what we view as a burdensome process. It's really avoiding the real issue. We're creating a false marketplace by bringing in those processes.

Mr Beaubien: Would eliminating section 1(4) solve your problem?

Mr Coleman: Eliminating section 1(4), as we mentioned in the coalition presentation, was one option. Our bottom line is management rights. Now, 1(4) has been flagged, but there are different roads this government can move on to bring about controlled management rights that don't bring in a wide-open gain but bring in fairness to all employers, not something for eight companies and not something just for general contractors, but something for all employers in the province.

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CONSTRUCTION UNIONS OF ONTARIO

The Chair: Mr Patrick Dillon, Construction Unions of Ontario.

Mr Patrick Dillon: Good afternoon, Madam Chair and committee members. My name is Patrick Dillon and I'm here to represent the Construction Unions of Ontario. On my left is Alan Minsky, legal counsel.

Before I get into making comments on Bill 69, I'd like to make a comment to the committee, and the comment is to the committee, not to the clerk who set up the meetings. I'm quite stressed that this Bill 69-it is not a minor piece of legislation affecting construction workers and employers throughout this province. This is fairly major and we have been given 10 minutes to come in to explain how this works for us. I would take the fact that we came in here to explain how this works for us as our opportunity to educate you as to what works in our industry and what doesn't. I know it's not going to change for this time around. I know it can't all be laid at the clerk's feet, but I would say to all three political parties that in future we should be very careful to make sure that when people come in, they have the time slot allotted to them to do a proper job. I might say that if we had to stay here until 8 o'clock at night, we would have done that. If you couldn't have more days, we could have extended the period into the evening.

On Bill 69 itself, I'd like to review a little bit how we got to where we're at and how Bill 69 came forward. This issue did not start, despite what some people are saying, because a whole multitude of employers were banging at the government's door because they couldn't be competitive in the construction industry. This issue got started by eight general contractors that, as they see it, have a particular problem in the province of Ontario. Their recommendation at that time was that the government should grant "three and out" legislation and that would resolve all the competitive problems for contractors in the province. That started a furor among contractors and the unions. That was the elephant killing the ant approach to labour relations.

That discussion went on for a period of time and ended up bringing the petrochemical industry into the discussion for mega-project agreements. At the end of the day-long story short-Bill 31 came out. It did not address the particular problem that the general contractors had brought forward. It addressed an issue for our poor sisters in the Chemical Valley, who I don't think should be poor anymore with the price they're charging for gas; it looked after the banks; and it really caused stress for the unions. It made it more difficult for unions to organize, which means that it's more of a competitive problem for contractors that were here originally making their requests. I'd just like the committee to be clear on that. When you restrict the construction unions from organizing or make it more difficult for us to organize, these unionized employers are going to be at your door saying they've got competitive problems. I say that to them and I say that to you to be aware of that.

The next approach came right after the last election, in which we in the industry found a brief floating around that was put out by unnamed contractors at the time that was making an economic argument as to why 1(4) should be removed from the act. Those people who started that brief finally got some advice from somebody-some reasonable advice-that they could not sustain an economic argument and that they should move away from that, and out they came with another brief entitled the Coalition for Fair Labour Laws. It's probably the farthest thing from fair labour laws that you could get, but once you start reading it you would see that for yourself.

I was called into the ministry, told that this lobby was going on and explained what the coalition was looking for. I suggested to the Minister of Labour-and I have to commend the Minister of Labour for listening-that we never came into his office or came to the table ever saying that there weren't some problems in our industry and that negotiated solutions are the way to resolve those problems. The minister agreed and struck an industry committee of labour and management to have some discussion about resolving the problems.

At the first meeting-and I want this to be clear with everyone-the Minister of Labour addressed the six on each side and told us that he really believed, genuinely himself, that there were some competitive problems in the construction industry, and of course we hadn't denied that. He told the unions, going to the bargaining table, that we should go there with the thought in mind that the status quo was not going to be a way of resolving our problems. He also told the employers that he realized their solution to the problem was that 1(4) was the answer but that they should go to the bargaining table looking to negotiate an industry deal because 1(4) may not be delivered to them. So that kind of set the stage for us to go to the bargaining.

It's interesting that you hear employers, and I heard one here yesterday, talking about the unions having a monopoly in the construction industry in Ontario. But they say that in one second and then in the other second they've got all this non-union competition. So where's the monopoly that the union has? I'm saying to you that in some ways we need to listen carefully to what people are saying because I think you could certainly get mixed messages, at best, of where people are coming from. I guess the one comment I'd make is that employers would think a monopoly is all right as long as they have it. Let me say that a political party might not think a monopoly is so bad as long as they had it. But anyway, the monopoly in my view just isn't something that there's a real rationale for the employers' argument.

As we got to the bargaining table, the employers' position was that 1(4) was the solution and that all of a sudden now there's an imbalance in the bargaining structure and there has to be a structural change. Everything has to be changed because the unions control everything. I'm sitting across the table listening to this and sitting across from me are people I negotiated with when I was negotiating for a trade, the electrical trade at that time. We had put a bargaining mechanism together that's not a lot different from what's being suggested here in the legislation, although I'll comment on that later on. It was a bargaining mechanism that both the employers and the union in that circumstance-and I think probably the biggest employers in the province, man-hour-wise anyway, in one particular trade. They are spending $300,000 and $400,000 and $500,000 a year advertising on the radio, and you'll hear it on 590 CHAM and other radio stations, about the great bargaining mechanism that employers have and the unions. They're sitting at the table, part of this coalition, saying that there's an imbalance in the bargaining structure. I clearly do not understand that.

So I go back again and I say that we need to be careful when we're listening to the mixed messages that I think seem to come out, and I say that with due respect. I understand people taking positions to forward their position but the problem that I see is we went to the table and had the discussions. The unions went to the table to negotiate; the employers went to the table to lobby. They never really did get off their position. I heard here yesterday where they moved off their 1(4) position; that's true that they did. But the bottom line of the position that they still had on the table was double-breasting-another number, but it was double-breasting-and the construction unions in this province are not going to stand for that.

Getting to the brief itself, I'm going to touch on a couple of things. We think we've filed a fairly balanced brief, not to say that other people haven't, but I'm going to touch on a couple of areas. That doesn't lessen the importance of the other clauses.

Certainly the designated regional employer organization mechanism that you have in Bill 69 will not work as it is. It definitely needs some changing.

The multi-employer offers to the arbitrator absolutely will not work. As I said, I was part of putting one together in the earlier years of my life where we used a final offer selector, and the way it works the best is that the employers and the unions should meet up front and decide if there's a competitive problem.

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Within the time frames that are in the act, the next step should be a negotiation that takes place at the local level. At the end of that negotiation, if there's not a deal, they present their final positions, one from employers, one from the union, to the selector. But before they hand those final positions to the selector, they've got to hand them to one another so that the selector isn't dealing with something totally different from what the parties were talking about through their negotiations. That's the way the one works in the IBEW. In my view it has a pretty decent track record. I think the employers and the unions would say that.

The other area is in the language, the significant competitive disadvantage. We are suggesting that "significant" be put in there. There was some discussion here yesterday that it's hard to define. In our brief you'll find how it can be defined in the act. You'll also find that "disadvantage" is not defined anywhere in the act. But there are bodies that have used the word "significant" and it does have meaning. I say that in a constructive way.

We tried to file a brief that will work in the industry. We can end up disagreeing here, with the government doing what it likes on its own or may want to do on its own. If it doesn't work in the industry, it's bad for the employees and it's bad for the employers. The only way we can go away and work together is if this mechanism works, so I suggest you take a serious look at the suggestions we've made.

The Chair: Unfortunately, members of committee, there isn't time for questions. We started a little late and we have a full afternoon.

Mr Dillon: I've got all kinds of time.

The Chair: Thank you, Mr Dillon. Mr Don Cameron and Mr Paul Charette.

Mr Christopherson: On a point of order, Madam Chair, while they're coming to the table: Once again, I think for the third time, to the parliamentary assistant: the legal position of the government vis-à-vis 163.5 and 163.2?

The Chair: That's not really a point of order, Mr Christopherson, but I'll allow a little leeway if you would like to respond to that, Mr Gill.

Mr Raminder Gill (Bramalea-Gore-Malton-Springdale): We don't have an answer yet. It's a complex issue. I've been in touch with the policy people. We do intend to bring that forward very soon but I don't have an answer for you right now.

Mr Christopherson: You know what? That tells me that what I was told is not the case, that it's not going to hold up, and I would strongly suggest to the unions in here that they start paying close attention to that because the implications for this bill are serious.

The Chair: This is taking time from delegations, Mr Christopherson. We have to move on because we only have until 6 o'clock.

Mr Bartolucci: Just a very short point of clarification, Madame Chair: That was promised to the committee and it was my understanding it was going to be here before the end of the day today. Will it be here before the end of the day?

Mr Gill: No, it will not be. We don't have an answer yet. We don't want to give you some hurried answer. We're trying to investigate. We're trying to find out what's best.

Mr Christopherson: Start worrying.

Mr Gill: I don't have an answer for you today. Will it be here before the hearings are over? Yes. Absolutely.

The Chair: Members of committee, the longer you take to debate this, the more time you're taking away from the delegations. I would like to move on, please.

ONTARIO GENERAL CONTRACTORS ASSOCIATION

Mr Paul Charette: My name is Paul Charette. I am the chairman of the Ontario General Contractors Association and the president and CEO of Bird Construction, an 80-year-old company operating in Canada in five provinces.

Mr Don Cameron: I'm Don Cameron, president of the association since 1990, and formerly a contractor.

Just by way of background, the Ontario General Contractors Association members build some 75% to 80% of the industrial, commercial and institutional work in Ontario. The association was founded in 1939 by and for general contractors. Our membership includes small, medium and large firms from across the province. Members are a mixture of open shop, plus or minus 60%, those signatory to one or more trade agreements, about 30%, and those bound to an all-trades agreement, some 5% to 10%.

In 1990 membership was 60% unionized firms, which has now dropped to less than 40%. Some of the well-known unionized general contracting firms that have disappeared include EGM Cape, Bradsil, Jaltas/Janin, V.K. Mason, Matthews, Mollenhauer, Milne and Nicholls, and Varamae. There are many others, some of them 50 to 100-year-old companies.

OGCA provides to its member firms safety and education programs, assistance in tendering and contract problems, liaison with other industry groups and with buyers of construction, and other services.

Goals of labour legislation amendments: In the speech from the throne Mr Harris gave us hope of significant change with words to the effect that the government "acknowledges the need to improve and modernize labour relations in the construction industry across the province." And from the draft paper entitled Potential Approach to Address ICI Sector Competitive Issues, from the Ministry of Labour, there were phrases such as: "addressing current concerns regarding competitiveness of unionized employers in the ICI sector of the construction industry"; "not able to compete with non-union firms in a number of markets and in a number of geographic areas, and are losing market share as a result"; "contribute to job growth and job creation"; "improve unionized construction contractors' ability to survive and compete in Ontario."

By way of comment on Bill 69, for general contractors 40% labour mobility as provided in the legislation is only slightly different than the status quo for many of the civil trades specified in agreements.

The 60% name-hire provision will be beneficial in areas where this practice is not already in place. So there's a small change there that's helpful.

Section 126 amendments regarding single employer declarations will have limited impact on a small number of firms where key man is an issue and sale of business is an issue. Legal opinion, however, is that this is not a meaningful change and that bargaining rights might still well transfer to successor companies and the goal may not be achieved.

Section 160, entitled "Agreement to abandon bargaining rights," requires agreement of the unions. There's no provision for arbitration if the union refuses, and the Ministry of Labour is apparently brokering an agreement currently under this provision that is a partial relief for a few firms but leaves many of their competitors still bound to some of the same agreements.

Section 163's local modifications/arbitration provisions may provide for reduced rates in some segments of the market but might be very difficult to implement. For example, does someone really expect that a carpenter working on the construction of an industrial plant would be willing to work on a school for the next year at $2 an hour less when his buddy moves across the street to a hospital at the full rate?

There are provisions in the bill for the residential sector that we find might be interesting as a solution for some of the problems in the ICI sector as well.

Mr Charette: We have the following recommendations for amendments to the bill:

Legislation is definitely needed now to address the competitiveness issue to try to stop the declining numbers of unionized general contractors, as noted in our opening remarks.

Firms bound by union agreements where they do not employ such workers directly should be freed of those onerous agreements, as we believe contractors should not be bound to non-operating agreements for life.

Contractors should be able to run parallel union and open-shop operations in order to be competitive.

Provisions of Section 160 should be made mandatory and we recommend an arbitration process similar to sections 163.2 and 163.3.

Public bodies such as municipalities and school boards, which have construction trade union agreements, should be free to contract or subcontract out their construction work, without regard to union status of the contractor or subcontractor. For example, the Toronto school board and City of Toronto are bound to agreements that dictate they must use only union contractors. Publicly funded work should be open to all qualified contractors without regard to union status, which is in the best interests of the taxpayers' dollars.

The agreement under section 160 between the building trades and a number of general contractors being facilitated by the Ministry of Labour, must be extended such that other contractors are not left in the same non-competitive position from which a few are being granted relief.

We also recommend that, as provided for under the residential amendments, the timing of strikes be limited from the period of May 1 to June 15 for the ICI sector as well.

Thank you. That's the end of our recommendations and our presentation.

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The Chair: Thank you. We have about two minutes left for questions, so I think we'll just go to one member. Mr Christopherson.

Before you do start, Mr Christopherson, ladies and gentlemen, at yesterday's hearing I had to ask three times for cell phones to be turned off. I'm asking today politely, please, if you have cell phones, will you turn them off. They're very disruptive to both committee members and to delegates who are addressing us. So I'm asking you to please turn them off.

Mr Christopherson: Thank you very much for your presentation. The third point in your recommendations is that contractors should be able to run parallel union and open-shop operations in order to be competitive. Basically, that would be the de facto result of removing 1(4).

Mr Charette: Correct.

Mr Christopherson: Two questions: One, I asked an employer on the first day of the hearings a hypothetical question but it made the point, whether or not everybody in the construction industry becoming unionized eliminated this question of being uncompetitive. He answered that, yes, that would be one solution. Would you agree with that? Not that you want it or that it's desirable on your part, but if you want to remove the question of competitiveness or being uncompetitive, then if everyone was unionized, you wouldn't have this problem.

Mr Charette: I guess one could say that in Quebec they probably have a similar system to that and it's apparently not working well. They're looking at change to that system.

Mr Christopherson: My point is that the third bullet point you're asking-basically, if we take a look at Alberta and we take a look at what 1(4) means, it's the beginning of the end. One could argue that at the end of the day, and that may be two years, 10 years or 20 years, the effectiveness of the construction labour movement, in fact its very existence as we now know it, will be gone. Why would things not devolve down to the non-union wage level where things are, yes, more competitive because nobody's making as much money?

Mr Charette: I disagree with that point. We operate in Alberta and we operate both union and non-union, and we operate in those sectors very successfully.

Mr Christopherson: Common sense says that will be the end result.

Mr Charette: Well, it's both, union and non-union.

The Chair: Thank you, gentlemen.

INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF ELECTRICAL WORKERS CONSTRUCTION COUNCIL OF ONTARIO

The Chair: Mr Bob Hill, International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Construction Council of Ontario. Good afternoon.

Mr John Pender: Hello. I'm sorry, Bob Hill is not here today. My name is John Pender. I'm the executive secretary-treasurer of the Construction Council of Ontario. To my right is Joe Fashion, the business manager of IBEW Local 353 here in Toronto.

IBEW-CCO is the legislated bargaining agent for the industrial, commercial and institutional segments of the electrical trade in Ontario. We represent approximately 14,000 unionized electricians, apprentice electricians, linemen, linemen apprentices and communication electricians in 13 local unions across Ontario.

The CCO wants to make it abundantly clear that from the very beginning of the industry talks which commenced in December 1999, support for any changes to the Ontario Labour Relations Act by our organization hinged on the understanding that all contractors, whether they be general or subtrade, will remain bound to their existing collective agreements and section 1(4) of the act remains intact.

The IBEW-CCO position is that it supports Bill 69 in principle, on the understanding that the general contractors will be bound by their existing collective agreements unless released by the industry or the Ontario Labour Relations Board.

The IBEW-CCO has been cautiously supportive of these invasive and potentially destructive changes being put forward for only one reason-because hanging over our collective heads is the threat that the alternative will be the employers' position.

I'll quote from the Ontario Coalition for Fair Labour Laws, their brief dated December 1999: "The desirable solution is for the government to amend the Ontario Labour Relations Act to exempt ICI construction companies from section 1(4) of the act."

The effect of this change would be to allow double-breasting. The Ontario Coalition for Fair Labour Laws and certain employer groups have stated that the current method of province-wide bargaining places them at a competitive disadvantage in some regions or sectors of the province, which may result in unionized contractors being unsuccessful when bidding against non-union companies. These employers are of the belief "that improving and modernizing construction sector labour relations requires changing labour laws so that there's a fair balance of power between employers and unions in the ICI sector and from this change will flow collective agreements which will allow unionized companies to compete with non-union ones."

The employers are telling you that province-wide bargaining is the reason we are in this state of non-competitiveness, yet everybody in this room knows or should know that province-wide bargaining is the result of an intense lobby in the late 1970s of the government of the day by construction employers' groups, not unlike the groups that are lobbying for change today. The system of bargaining that was their panacea, to the woe of the construction industry then, is now the cause of their financial demise in the marketplace of today.

So I caution this committee to not accept everything that the employers have put forward to them as being the only solutions. I offer you another adage: those who ignore history are doomed to repeat it.

I would like to refer to the bill and give you our perspective, a union perspective, that takes into consideration our fears and concerns.

Section 163.5, subsections (1) and (2), mandatory default hiring hall practices, allows employers mobility for up to 40% of the total number of employees from any local or locals in the province required for a project anywhere in Ontario. Further, the employer will be able to select or name-hire 60% of the employees from the local union in whose geographic jurisdiction the work is performed.

I'm sure you've had examples put before you and I won't dwell on them. I'll tell you what our view is. It is that this process gives the employer the right to name-hire the same individuals for all their projects across the province and results in an unfair advantage of some members over others. It will create two economic levels in the province, the haves and the have-nots. It will pit member against member, local against local. It will create an imbalance in hiring within the province. Smaller communities, smaller locals will suffer most. You can imagine a company taking 40% of a crew into an area that has been in the grip of unemployment for a prolonged period of time. How do you think the members in that geographic area are going to react? How will older members and members who have taken on the role of stewards, health and safety representatives, fare in this selective hiring process? In our opinion, these individuals will be blackballed and subsequently they will become the sub-class who will never be selected by an employer. The end result would be a system of hiring that's based on favouritism and nepotism, rather than a fair and equitable distribution of job opportunities voted on and approved by local union members.

Section 163.2: The section gives the employers the right to seek amendments to virtually every clause in the collective agreement, save statutorily regulated holidays and hours of work. Employers can seek exemption from clauses like wage rates, overtime, benefits, travel, room and board, and requirements respecting the ratio of apprentices employed by an employer, just to name a few.

A provincial employers' bargaining association and a designated regional employers' association of the bargaining agency may apply for amendments for all work anywhere in Ontario providing at least some of their members carry on business in that particular geographic area.

Our view of that is that this section severely undermines the collective process, as the employers will have no incentive to bargain in good faith as they have an avenue to seek changes to the collective agreement outside of negotiations. In effect, this section of Bill 69 renders the collective bargaining process meaningless.

Members of the committee, I implore you to take a look at this section with great care. I suggest to you that the ramifications of an impotent bargaining process will set in motion an era of labour unrest unprecedented in this province. There will be strike after strike this coming spring if this thing goes through-the very thing that nobody in this room wants and has worked to avoid for years.

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Section 160.1: This section allows unions to voluntarily abandon their bargaining rights. I agree with the people who spoke earlier. The view of the IBEW-CCO is that this section of the bill was created to allow the general contractors, with the union's blessing, to abandon their agreements. For the record, I want to state unequivocally that the IBEW-CCO will not voluntarily release any contractor or general contractor from the existing collective agreements under which they currently operate.

Further, we must clearly state our objection to any government action that will release the general contractors from their signed agreements, whether it is inside area 8 or across the province. Taking this direction would put the Ontario government in the position of nullifying existing collective agreements, and we do not believe this is a correct role for any government.

Section 163.2: This section gives employers-and I would think this includes the general contractors-the right to seek amendments in our collective agreements. Members of the committee, the general contractors should have to demonstrate a significant competitive disadvantage. They should not be treated any differently than any other employer covered in this bill.

Section 163.3: This section of Bill 69 deals with a very complicated arbitration process for both parties. The union and the employer are entitled to put forward a final offer with respect to the provisions of the collective agreement that the employer association wants to amend, along with written submissions. Should an arbitrator not be agreed upon by both parties, either party may make a written request to the Minister of Labour to appoint an arbitrator. The appointed arbitrator is not required to hold an oral or electronic hearing unless he or she feels it is necessary to resolve an issue arising out of the submissions.

The only relevant factor the arbitrator is to consider is whether or not the employer organization members are at a competitive disadvantage. The arbitrator must determine if there is a competitive disadvantage and, if so, determine whether that competitive disadvantage would be removed if the collective agreement were amended in accordance with the employer's application. Our view of this is that that section makes Bill 69 designed to force unions to make concessions. There are no stipulated criteria as to what constitutes competitive disadvantage. Therefore, any or all clauses in the our collective agreements would be susceptible to arbitration.

The issue of selection of an arbitrator is also of grave concern to our organization. If an arbitrator is not agreed to by the parties, either party may make a written request to the minister to appoint one. Should an employer organization purposely not agree to an arbitrator for whatever reason, then the minister shall appoint. This raises the issues of experience and neutrality, especially in the construction industry. What further taints this process is the Ministry of Labour's apparent disdain for current arbitrators, asserting that they are biased in favour of the unions.

This process will be costly and time-consuming for both the employer and the union, and will require industry studies, briefs and experts, such as economists. There can be no doubt as to what this arbitration process will do. By design it will simply lower the wages of working union members in the province of Ontario. Thank you.

The Chair: Thank you very much, Mr Pender. Unfortunately, there's no time left for questions.

TORONTO RESIDENTIAL CONSTRUCTION LABOUR BUREAU
METROPOLITAN TORONTO APARTMENT BUILDERS ASSOCIATION

The Chair: Mr Lyall, Metropolitan Toronto Apartment Builders Association and Toronto Residential Construction Labour Bureau. Go ahead.

Mr Richard Lyall: Thank you for providing us with the opportunity to make a very brief presentation. The Toronto Residential Construction Labour Bureau and the Metropolitan Toronto Apartment Builders Association represent exclusively unionized home builders operating within central Ontario, with the majority of our members concentrated in the GTA. Over 75% of the homes constructed in the GTA and surrounding regions are built by our member companies. We represent our members in a wide variety of areas from collective bargaining and grievance arbitration to health and safety and labour law reform.

I would first like to take this opportunity to thank the government on taking the initiative to correct what has been a long-standing problem in the residential construction sector. As was evidenced in the summer of 1998, the system of collective bargaining in our sector was structurally inadequate, directly contributing to a series of overlapping strikes which effectively shut down our industry for an entire summer building season. It was evident to all the parties that our system required a much-needed repair.

By facilitating a discussion among the parties involved in the residential construction industry, this government has created a framework which remedies the historical problems of the past with innovative solutions for the future. While Bill 69 does go a long way to improving our system of collective bargaining, some minor adjustments with respect to the residential portion of the bill are required in order to ensure that the interests of new home buyers are fully protected.

Scope: A significant number of collective agreements cover the county of Simcoe and board area 9 currently. If the act were to exclude these regions, a significant number of new home buyers in those areas could be affected next year by disruptions. It would appear this would defy both the spirit and intent of the amendments. As a result, to ensure a legislative fit with existing collective agreements, and equal treatment under the Labour Relations Act, it would be more appropriate to amend section 150 to include the county of Simcoe and Durham region. Furthermore, all the parties involved in the discussions agree that these areas be included.

Interest arbitration: Currently, the proposed amendments to the act restrict the duration of a strike or lockout to 46 days, with all strikes or lockouts ceasing by June 15. Although the parties are required to send the matters in dispute to arbitration after June 15, nothing should prevent the parties from agreeing to forgo their respective right to strike or lockout and send any agreed-upon issues to arbitration before the strike period begins. As a result, we assert that section 150.2 should be amended by adding the following provision: The parties may jointly refer the matters in dispute to arbitration in accordance with this section at any time after notice to bargain has been issued in accordance with the collective agreement.

Arbitrator's powers: With a limit on the right to strike or lock out, it is imperative that the final dispute resolution procedure, whether it be final offer selection or mediation arbitration, be not only fair and effective but binding and above reproach. In order to achieve this, it is imperative that the arbitrator be equipped with the necessary remedial and authoritative power to force the parties to disclose any or all required documentation and information needed in order to fashion an award. To this end, we suggest that section 150 be amended to include the following provision: The provisions of subsections of section 48 apply with necessary modifications to the proceedings before the arbitrator and his or her decision under this section.

Regulations: During the discussions on collective bargaining reform in the residential construction industry, an almost unanimous consensus existed among the parties that the negotiation process begin earlier. With a defined period for strike or lockout activity, it is instrumental that notice to bargain and an exchange of proposals occur earlier than is currently required under the act. As a result, section 150 should be amended by adding the following regulation-making power: Prescribing time limits for the commencement of collective bargaining, including the exchange of bargaining proposals.

It was also generally felt that more communication and dialogue between industry stakeholders prior to and during negotiations would have both a positive and meaningful impact on the collective bargaining process. In light of these concerns, the Ministry of Labour agreed to host a type of industry forum every four to six months between negotiation cycles, and every three to four months in the year prior to bargaining. These forums would not only add value to the bargaining process but would also enhance the parties' knowledge on issues being faced within the industry. We believe the proposed legislation should also the reflect these concerns.

Conclusion: Once again, I would like to take this opportunity to thank the committee and the government for its time and commitment to improving and modernizing collective bargaining in the residential construction industry. The proposed amendments, in addition to the suggested modifications, only serve to reinforce and enhance the effectiveness of the legislation and the vitality of the residential construction sector.

The Chair: Thank you, Mr Lyall. We have about four minutes for questions.

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Mr Carl DeFaria (Mississauga East): Mr Lyall, I am quite concerned, particularly with the construction workers' salaries. It's a field I'm familiar with. I did that work. I have lots of family, friends and other people in that field. I noticed that a lot of submissions made by union representatives talked about and requested amendments to section 163.2 regarding wages: instead of indicating wages, to indicate wage packages. I am concerned about that, because that seems to be a way to shift the money from the wages workers would be paid to other benefits or to other costs of the union.

The other item I am concerned about is the amendment that some propose to section 163.5 to prevent employers-it's the ability to hire up to 40% of the total number of employees, because I'm also familiar with some people who have told me in the past that they have been waiting for a job for two years, that they go to the union office and their names will never be called.

What I want to know from you is, do you see anything in this bill that would have a negative impact on the construction workers' salary? I wouldn't want to see that happen. I wouldn't want to see this bill affecting the salary of the construction workers negatively.

Mr Lyall: Two things: First of all, with respect to wages and the negotiation of wages, we have typically negotiated total packages. The unions are the legal representatives of the employees governed by the collective agreement and it's the members of the union and their processes that determine how they want things handled. We don't interfere with that.

For example, we'll negotiate an amount of money and the union that represents the employees-don't forget, the employees ratify any agreements-will determine where that money is going to go. We don't get involved in that. The only time we would even think of getting involved in something like that would be if we thought there was something that might be a mistake. I have rarely ever seen something like that.

In terms of the 40%, we don't have to deal with that issue in the residential sector. That's an ICI issue.

Mr Bartolucci: Thank you, Mr Lyall, for your presentation. My background leads me not to agree with what you're saying with regard to limiting the right to strike. I say that in all honesty because of my background.

I've done a little bit of studying about labour negotiations at university etc. I lived a bit in the industry when I was a labourer. The studies indicate to me, and I think example leads me to believe, that restrictions on the right to strike undermine serious collective bargaining. If an employer can plan for 45 days, he can wait the period out. If we have a series of 45 days, to me that undermines a growing economy, which you would want and the unions would want. What are your comments on that, and would the answer maybe be a longer-

Mr Lyall: I appreciate what you're saying there and I think I understand. Certainly, when we first raised the issue of proposing an arbitration model like this, a lot of people thought we were out of our minds because their view of it is, and some people have looked at the literature which would suggest to them, that the employers, or in this case the builders, would lose in an arbitration model.

I think you have to consider this in the context of what industry we're talking about. In the residential construction industry, we have hundreds, if not thousands, of contractors and builders. It's a fiercely competitive market. There are a lot of players in bargaining. It's not a typical, classic industrial type of bargaining relationship. There are a lot of players on both sides. The system is only as strong as its weakest link.

The reason we proposed what we proposed-it was most evident in 1998, which was the best example of that-was where one particular section, one part of the industry, one particular area of bargaining would break down, and then it would bring the whole industry to a halt. It's happened and it results in thousands of layoffs, people not working and home buyers not able to move into their houses. For example, I know we had letters and memos in the thousands from home buyers in 1998. They had sold their previous house, and whoa, hang on, they're in a motel all of a sudden because they can't move into their new house.

Then we had situations where there were thousands of construction workers who also were literally out of work and might leave the area and go work somewhere else, and then you lose them. It's the disruption too. You don't have a week's strike and then, boom, things go back to normal again. It takes a long time to reschedule things. Our industry is very sophisticated. There's in excess of 20 subtrades on any given project and it takes a lot to get it back together again.

So within the context of our particular industry-and I'm not looking at Ford or anybody else, 3M or Caterpillar-within our industry, this kind of system, this kind of change makes sense.

The Chair: Thank you, Mr Lyall. We have run out of time.

TOM JONES CORP

The Chair: Mr John Jones of Tom Jones Corp. Go ahead, Mr Jones.

Mr John Jones: Madam Chair and members of the standing committee, thank you, first, for this opportunity to speak to you today about Bill 69. I'm only too glad to have travelled 1,000 miles at considerable expense today to be here with you and listen to this committee.

My name is John Jones. I am the co-owner of Tom Jones Corp in Thunder Bay. We are now entering our third generation as a construction company, founded by my father some 50 years ago.

In 1980, our company was successful, or perhaps unsuccessful, in tendering a project in Oshawa. For this one project only, our site superintendent signed the Toronto-Central Ontario Building and Construction Trades Council agreement for the Toronto area, and it was reinforced by the building trades representatives, additional assurances that this was a project agreement only. This project agreement was specifically for the geographical boundaries of Metro Toronto, known today as boundary area 8. The agreement was to have been only for the duration of this one project.

However, in the early 1980s, shortly after the signing and certainly without our knowledge, the Toronto Building Trades Council, representing the unions, applied to the Ontario Labour Relations Board to have these agreements declared as voluntary recognition of the province-wide agreements of all their affiliates, 24 agreements in total. The labour board, in an unprecedented decision, found that we, the general contractors, were bound not only to the six civil trades but to all 24, including those 18 trades where we had never directly employed workers and, further, made the decision retroactive to the date of signing. That is how this project agreement has followed me to Thunder Bay.

In the past six years, with increasing non-union competition as well as semi-union competitors, we have found ourselves to be totally non-competitive. I'm here today asking for relief outside of board area 8, as promised by the Minister of Labour and the Premier himself.

The relief promised by the minister, Chris Stockwell, outside board area 8 does not relieve any of the eight general contractors from any collective agreement obligations where the contractors have signed collective agreements on the basis of either voluntary recognition or through the formal certification of the Ontario Labour Relations Board, based on the employers having direct-hired members of the local union.

We are the only company in northwestern Ontario, which is our home base, placed in this unfortunate and unfair position. We therefore support Bill 69 if it in fact provides relief outside of boundary area 8 from the restrictions of the Toronto-Central Ontario Building and Construction Trades Council Agreement.

I thank you.

The Chair: Thank you, Mr Jones. Mr Christopherson.

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Mr Christopherson: I think we can all understand your dilemma in terms of how you see it from your position. The difficulty some of us are having is that the solution that's been found here, at the end of the day, is not just going to give you the relief that you need; it's going to mean that there are probably thousands and thousands of workers across the province who are going to receive less wages than they do now. Even the unions that were at the negotiating table have used words like "concessions." They've acknowledged that under the threat of removal of 1(4), it's a concession piece of legislation.

If one attempted to be fair-minded and open-minded and objective and then approached this with an ideological steamroller-is there not some way that you can think of that this can be done without racing to the bottom? In other words, the way the government has decided to eliminate the question of uncompetitiveness is to force wages down. At the end of the day, that should be something that all of us don't want. There should be some way of bringing the others up. Then you're not faced with the question of being uncompetitive with your competitors, and the workers in the province aren't unilaterally, because of your competitive problems, put in a position of having to lower the standard of living for their families. Your thoughts?

Mr Jones: First off, I'm trying not to get anything special as one of the eight general contractors. I'm just trying to get on a level playing field with my unionized competitors, the general contractors, and certainly we're trying to get competitive collectively with the non-union contractors. I'm clearly in a village trying to feed my children, and I'm incapable. In the last four to five years, our volume has dropped considerably. The Manitoba contractors are killing us. They're coming in; they're non-union.

I'm obligated to the six civil trades. I accept that, I respect that, but I shouldn't be obligated to contracts I've never signed with 17 or 18 other unions. If I'm given that relief that I'm entitled to, I feel, then I believe the unionized subcontractors will do a lot better. If I survive, they'll survive in Thunder Bay. If I don't, it'll all go non-union. I'm not so sure that's what you want to do.

Mr Christopherson: No, obviously.

Mr Jones: Obviously, I think there has to be a non-union and a union component.

Mr Christopherson: Why?

Mr Jones: One keeps each other honest, quite frankly.

Mr Christopherson: How does that work?

Mr Jones: Well, it does.

Mr Beaubien: Thank you for your presentation, Mr Jones. I agree with you that it's wrong, wrong, wrong to all the union people. That's why we're here today, trying to rectify the problem that there's been no negotiation, nobody wants to change, everybody wants to maintain the status quo on this. That is wrong.

In society today we have divorce courts, we don't have construction courts, and that's the problem. Once you're married to this-I've seen this in my own area, that I think the unions in this case are taking advantage of small contractors by not playing on the same level playing field.

I'm not one that would support abolishing 1(4), but that's exactly where you get. In life today, when there's a wrong, you try to correct it, and sometimes you overcorrect.

I totally agree with someone who said that the best way to arrive at a solution is to have the employer and the union at the table solving the problem. But the unions have been totally irresponsible with regard to dealing with this particular issue over the past 20 years.

Interruption.

The Chair: Excuse me. Ladies and gentlemen, I would appreciate it-

Interjections.

The Chair: Mr Bartolucci, do you have a question?

Mr Bartolucci: Yes, I have a question. I want to precede it with a comment. Mr Jones isn't going to get a fair hearing or a fair question from me because I'm now forced to respond to the government rhetoric. I apologize, Mr Jones, because I think you've got some concerns that the government should legitimately look at.

But you know what? I've listened here now for the third day and I've continually seen unions come to the table, acting in very good faith, with very good recommendations. I've seen contractors come to the table who are saying, "I want out."

Now, I have a problem. If we're going to start spewing rhetoric, I have a problem with anybody who doesn't sit around this table to listen to what people have to say and question them on what they're saying, not the government rhetoric. There's a time for that, and it's not at this committee level. It is in the House. You should be ashamed of yourself.

Interruption.

The Chair: Ladies and gentlemen, I realize it's late in the week. This is the third day we've had hearings and the emotional level is cranking up a little, but please, no applause. Maybe that will turn down the level of rhetoric that's going on at the moment.

Mr Jones, that's your time. Thank you.

BFC INDUSTRIAL
KVAERNER CONSTRUCTORS

The Chair: Members of committee, we've had a request from the next two presenters to make a joint submission. They would still like the full 20 minutes each but they would like to make a combined submission.

Mr Christopherson: Obviously, we're all for that.

Interjections.

The Chair: It varies the format a little bit. I've had the request and I'm putting it to the committee. Is the committee in agreement?

Mr Gill: We did that the other day. I think the first day we did that for one of the submissions.

Mr Christopherson: No.

Mr Beaubien: Durham Construction. There were two representatives from the Durham-

Mr Christopherson: Yes, but they didn't take the 20 minutes.

The Chair: OK.

Mr Gill: Yes, we did that.

Mr Christopherson: But I think it's fine. Anything that will allow us to have a little more dialogue-

The Chair: We have Mr Ken Steven and Mr Gary Robertson, from BFC Industrial and Kvaerner Constructors. Please proceed, gentlemen.

Mr Ken Steven: Madam Chair, members of the standing committee on justice and social policy, I'm glad we had a few fireworks. It reminds me of being in union meetings I used to attend. Since I've come to the other side of the table, I don't have that privilege any more. Sometimes it's difficult when you have these discussions, but a lot of times something good comes out of them.

We come before you today to speak in favour of Bill 69. Our companies are multi-trade industrial contractors who do work across Ontario. Our above-average safety records are in part due to the fact that we are fully unionized companies. By making unionized companies more competitive, more Ontarians will arrive home safely every night after working at one of our job sites.

Why was Bill 69 necessary? There is general acknowledgement on both sides of the bargaining table that unionized companies were not competitive in some markets because of province-wide bargaining. Bill 69, in conjunction with the legislation introduced allowing project agreements, gives the industry the tools it needs to be competitive and allows Ontario to stay competitive with other jurisdictions. The stability that province-wide bargaining brings to the industry is desirable to contractors, customers and unions by bringing real benefits to real people.

A document to read on the history of construction in Ontario is the Franks commission report from the late 1970s, which gives a really good background. If you have the opportunity to read that report, it would help you understand some of the issues that are on the table.

What was the role of the provincial building trades in formulating Bill 69? From the beginning of this government's first mandate, the Provincial Building and Construction Trades Council of Ontario has maintained a professional and productive relationship with this government. We commend the provincial building trades for the approach they have taken and in particular encourage Pat Dillon to continue the significant contribution he has made to improving labour relations in Ontario.

The process proposed by section 163.2 has been in use in some trade locals for about six years now. For some contractors it has meant the difference between keeping the business going and closing the doors. If this process had been in place so that somebody from Tom Jones could have taken advantage of it, they might be having a better go of it today. Some locals chose a path that was different, and now that path is about to be taken by Ontario. The fact that soon every unionized contractor will be able to use this process is encouraging to both established union contractors and those entrepreneurs who want to be a union contractor but perhaps were hesitant because of some of the barriers they saw to being successful.

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As multi-trade industrial contractors across the province, it is important that we have a set standard when it comes to name-hiring and mobility. Right now those things are all over the map and it's a job just keeping track of how many people you can take to a local, how many you can name-hire and what not.

Paragraphs 1 and 2 of proposed subsection 163.5(1) set a minimum percentage of employees who may be name-hired and/or brought in from another local. Subsection (4), which allows the parties to decrease these percentages, opens the door for this to be introduced into collective bargaining instead of being a minimum standard across the province. If there is a reason that the percentage should be changed, it should be dealt with under paragraphs 1 and 2 of subsection 163.2(4).

Our recommendation is that we propose deleting subsection (4) of section 163.2 and changing subsection (5) to (4), (6) to (5) and (7) to (6).

Thank you for your time. We would now be happy to entertain any questions you may have on our presentation or offer our opinion on any other issues that have been put before you during other presentations.

The Chair: That's the completion of your submission?

Mr Steven: Of the first five minutes. The clerk described that we would have five minutes, and then five minutes of questions, then five minutes-we have a fairly significant presentation to make on section 163.5, which is the ministerial review process.

The Chair: I think I would prefer for you to combine that, if you don't mind, gentlemen, and we'll go to questions afterwards. Otherwise it's very difficult to control the time.

Mr Gary Robertson: Section 8 of Bill 69 proposes, among other things, the addition of section 163.6 to the Labour Relations Act. The suggested section 163.6 requires the minister to conduct a review of the effectiveness of the provisions of this legislation by December 31, 2001.

The minister's review is intended to measure how or if Bill 69 will have improved competitiveness in our industry. We strongly support such a provision, but we also believe that remaining competitive and keeping pace with rapid global economic change requires a broader review process to develop a "vision of the preferred future."

Leaders representing the stakeholders and constituents of our industry must reach consensus on the issues that affect the future competitiveness of the ICI construction sector in Ontario. Once barriers have been identified, mechanisms can be developed to effect change. The process of bringing industry leaders together must remain outside discussions about reform of labour legislation in order to realize its full potential.

We would like to point out to the committee that legislation has already been put in place by the Ministry of Labour that could, and should, assist with the proposed review. The Ontario Construction Secretariat was specifically created and given the resources to perform functions that fit perfectly with the objectives of the minister. The objectives of the secretariat are to assist the industrial, commercial and institutional sector of the construction industry, including collecting, analyzing and disseminating information concerning collective bargaining and economic conditions in the ICI sector in the construction industry, as well as holding conferences involving representatives of the employer bargaining agencies and the employee bargaining agencies.

The recommendation being put forward is that prior to the formal review by the Minister of Labour, we believe that the non-residential ICI and heavy sectors should have an opportunity to conduct our own review of the industry. Such a process would bring the industry stakeholders, labour and management, together to identify future strategies and make recommendations on improving the competitiveness of the ICI sector.

We respectfully recommend that section 8 of the bill be amended to facilitate a joint review by the industry and the minister. We propose the following under the review of provisions:

"163.6. The Ontario Construction Secretariat shall conduct a formal review of the industry to measure the effectiveness of provisions of the Labour Relations Act as enacted by the Labour Relations Amendment Act and to identify strategies and make recommendations to enhance the competitiveness of the ICI sector. The findings of this review shall be reported to the Minister of Labour no later than September 30, 2001."

Section 163.7 is actually the previous 163.6, which is the minister's review process that is to take place no later than December 31, 2001, the idea being that the industry itself has an opportunity to come together and discuss the issues to further the cause in terms of dealing with competitiveness outside the scope of legislative reform, so that there are in fact some documents, some review that takes place that the minister can take a look at, part and parcel with the review process he is to conduct.

We believe there would be widespread support for our suggestion, specifically from the Ontario Construction Secretariat.

We thank you for your time and interest, and we welcome any comments or questions if there are any at this time.

The Chair: Thank you, Mr Robertson. Do I take it that you have completed your submission?

Mr Robertson: Yes.

The Chair: Then we'll go to questions. I'm going to allow about three minutes for each party. We'll start with Mr Christopherson.

Mr Christopherson: Gentlemen, thank you for your presentation. The more this goes on, the more I think an argument is being made that there ought to be a major effort on the part of the government to make it easier for the unions to organize, because not only does it remove the uncompetitiveness question some employers are bringing to the table, but now you're pointing out, as the unions often do, that unionized construction companies have incredibly higher health and safety records-I think it's about 250% better-than non-unionized. If ever there were good reasons why we ought to be organizing the rest of the industry, I think you folks are making the case.

I'd like to return to your first submission, which was around 163.5. That speaks partly to the issue I've been raising with the minister and the parliamentary assistant about just what levels there are and whether they can change. But I may be mixing up a different issue in the same clause, and you can help me if that's the case. Could you give me again, in very brief terms, the changes you want to make to 163.5? You're suggesting that if it can be moved, it could be changed in negotiations and that's a concern for you.

Mr Steven: Yes. It's just one last thing. There's consensus-like the 40% name-hire. If we get a job, which we just did in Thunder Bay-Atikokan, which might take about 30 people for five months, even if we could do 100% name-hire and 100% mobility, we're not going to take 30 guys to Thunder Bay to do the work. We might take one or two per trade, and we would want to have confidence in the hall there to hire good workers when we get up there. So the 40% name-hire and the 60% mobility is probably above what you would actually in reality-

Mr Christopherson: Sorry. Doesn't this say "may employ up to"? So you're not bound by this legislation to hire the 40%. You could hire 2% if you chose.

Mr Steven: That's right. But further in subsection 163.5(4), it allows the parties to decrease those percentages. When bargaining came, that would become a bargaining chip, and over time, for whatever reason, some locals would increase the percentages and some would decrease it. Then we would be faced with the same challenge we have now, where we have somebody who has to keep track of all these different percentages across the province.

Mr Christopherson: You're making the case as to the issue I raised with the minister and the parliamentary assistant. When I said to the minister that under subsection 163.2(4) and the five parts of it the arbitrator would have the authority to change both the 40% and the 60% ratios, the minister pointed to 163.5 and said: "No, that's the floor. There has to be 40%, and then there has to be 60%. That's guaranteed." I can assure you the reason they're delaying giving me back the legal opinion is that they have looked at it and found out I'm right and that the arbitrators can change that.

I appreciate your concern, but I think the unions need to be really worried about the fact that "significant" is no longer in the issue of competitive disadvantage. All you have to do now is make a case that there is a competitive disadvantage to you, and an arbitrator can change all those ratios. You can end up with nobody being hired locally, and somebody could name-hire everyone if they wanted to. The unions had better be aware of this, because I'm not sure that was the understanding they had coming from the bargaining table. It's a little different than your concern, but it's on that same highway of legal wrangling that I think we can end up on.

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Mr Steven: I'm not familiar with all the fine points of the legal argument.

Mr Christopherson: I'm not a lawyer. I'm just doing the best I can.

Mr Steven: I'm just an electrician. But in some cases, that's what you need to make somebody competitive. If you take a specialized contract to do, maybe, certain high-voltage work that might be what's necessary to get that done.

Mr Christopherson: I'm not arguing you wouldn't make that case. I'm arguing that it means the unions don't have a guarantee that that's the ceiling. That could very well be the beginning of it, and we could see 100% name-hire wherever an employer wanted, and that's not what the unions negotiated.

The Chair: Mr Christopherson, you have reached the ceiling. I will go to the government side.

Mr Gill: Mr Steven, if I read it correctly, I think the proposal the minister has put forward is a win-win situation. Do you agree?

Mr Steven: Pardon me?

Mr Gill: This is a win-win situation. This seems to be a step in the right direction.

Mr Steven: In my submission, I mention some locals that have used something similar to this. It just happened to be the local I came from, and I was on the board of directors when we started it.

We decided it was better to have somebody out working at $20 an hour than sitting at home at $36. That's the goal, to get people to work. I know there are a lot of other arguments going on about other things, but that is the goal and this bill has the gist of what was happening there. It started about six years ago.

In that case, it was just one trade. So perhaps for contractors that had just been organized, a lot of their customer base was at a lower rate than the union rates. Then the business manager could make those adjustments and gradually bring that contractor up, instead of taking him to the full rate right away and having him go bankrupt.

Other trades in our area didn't adopt that and so, as I said, you had a case of a multi-trade contractor who would be able to be competitive electrically but not in pipefitting or millwrighting or sheet metal. What this does is even out the playing field for those multi-trade contractors that can make a concerted effort to go after work now.

I believe the bill has the gist of the direction we should be going. We should take the time to hammer out all the details and get it right. In particular, the review process should be an ongoing process, something like the Construction Industry Review Panel, which I believe was started in the 1960s and continued in the 1970s and 1980s, but for some reason when the friends of labour came in in the early 1990s, it wasn't continued. So something like the Construction Industry Review Panel should be resurrected, and that would tie in with Gary's presentation.

Mr Robertson: I think it's important that we recognize that there are contractors out there who are union by choice, that it's a business relationship. What this bill does is build on that relationship. Rather than a collective agreement, it's looked at more as a commercial contract. If those business partners are having difficulty in being competitive, they should have an ability to amend the contract they have between them so they can continue in business together. What this does, coupled with project agreements and some of the other areas, is give that flexibility to be able to address some of the competitive issues we face.

Mr Gill: In your opinion, the 40-60, the labour mobility, seems to be working? Do you think that might work OK with some flexibility?

Mr Robertson: In some areas we have a greater than 60% name-hire already. I think the key component here is the transfer and the ability to bring into other areas specialized people that perhaps one particular local doesn't have or who are working for someone else. We as contractors share; we go to the same pool for people. Those people may be working for somebody else when we go into an area, and we should have the ability to bring in some people who have the requisite skills.

Mr Bartolucci: Mr Steven and Mr Robertson, I want to thank you very much for an excellent presentation, one that, I might say, after our little dustup here before you came, acknowledges that the partners of the industry have to work together. I'm very impressed that the big contractors would recognize the efforts that the construction trade unions have put into it trying to come up with a workable agreement. So I thank you for that.

I'm from Sudbury. I worked for BFC when it was the Foundation Company of Canada-good employers, treated their men well. I must tell you that Sudbury isn't exactly the bastion of economic boom in the construction industry, as you know, so I think I have a little bit of trouble with the mobility and the naming issue. Is there anywhere in your scope of thought where certain depressed areas in a particular market such as construction could be excluded from this?

Mr Steven: I agree with you that there will be in some cases some hardships put on some remote areas where a number of employees will be brought in by a contractor to do the work, but I think on the other hand in a lot of cases that contractor from Toronto or Kitchener or wherever wouldn't be going after that work if they couldn't. So the work might go non-union anyway.

Earlier, John Pender from the IBEW mentioned the older workers and whatnot being discriminated against. If you look around union job sites, you see a number of workers with grey hair, or some with no hair, like me. But when you look around non-union sites, they tend to have more younger workers and that's one of the differences. When you get into a union company and join a local, you're there and dispatched on a generally even basis with everybody else. That's one of the advantages to the province keeping a healthy unionized sector. They do treat older workers who might get discriminated against better and they're more likely to be alive when they get to retirement age.

I don't see a way that we can apply regional development to this. I think we would have to look at it in that it's a way for those members in that local area-if they can get 50% of it instead of zero, that's better than nothing. The tradesperson's goal, to my mind, isn't to see how much time they can spend away from home. For some tradespeople, yes, the farther away from home the job is the better. That's one of the reasons I tried to get an office estimating job, because I was making really good money. But I could see I was going down the same road as a lot of the people I had worked with: divorced, separated; their kids were teenagers and they didn't know them. Yes, we have the ability through this to take 60%, but the goal of every contractor on every job won't be to take that 60%, and the goal of most tradespeople isn't to spend time away from home.

The Chair: Thank you, gentlemen.

Ladies and gentlemen, something unusual happened in the House today so there is a chance that we will all have to go and vote at just before 6. We still have seven more delegations, so I'm going to ask committee members to keep that in mind as you ask your questions, because we may have to limit some time here in order to accommodate everyone.

Mr Christopherson: There is a way to do this. If we just keep on going, we'll be just fine, I think, Chair. Correct?

The Chair: Yes. But if there's a vote, that may cause some challenges for the members, that's all I'm thinking.

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INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF ELECTRICAL WORKERS, LOCAL 353

The Chair: Mr Fashion of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Local 353. Again, hi, Mr Fashion. Go ahead, please.

Mr Joe Fashion: I have to apologize for the brief, because I've been here for the three evenings listening to the discussion. I was going to try and keep it to two or three points, but I found that I just couldn't get there.

I must make the comment that 10 minutes really is terrible. I've been part of these negotiations for seven months, including the residential sector, which led into the ICI sector, and to spend all that time and only have 10 minutes, which is now almost nine minutes-but I'll try. I'm going to skip through this, so you'll probably have trouble following it, but I did manage to say everything I wanted to say in the brief.

Our union represents approximately 6,000 workers in Ontario, the vast majority in the ICI and residential sectors of the industry. Our members live throughout the province in both large urban centres such as Toronto and smaller centres such as Barrie, Oshawa, Hamilton, St Catharines, Guelph, Milton and Kitchener, to name a few.

Labour Minister Bette Stevenson and the Conservative government of Premier Bill Davis introduced province-wide bargaining in 1977. The government put this legislation in place at the request of the contractors and their associations, who wanted to stabilize construction bargaining in the province of Ontario. The IBEW and many other building trades unions opposed this legislation at that time. To a certain extent the legislation was effective, but it did hold back wages, especially in Toronto. This act is going to undermine provincial bargaining.

The original scheme was to cure the fragmented collective bargaining structures which brought instability to labour relations in the industry. Bill 69 will reintroduce such fragmentation and undermine the purpose of province-wide bargaining. Local 353 supports the bill in principle, but does not support the general contractors being allowed out of their contractual obligations outside of board area 8. Currently, the electrical contractors in Ontario do $100 million of work for these eight generals outside of board area 8, and that's in a year. These electrical contractors are businesses that span all sizes of companies, small, medium and large, some of which are family businesses and also employ members of our union. The IBEW and the contractors' association have a system that encourages co-operation between the parties, although I don't know why they ever got part of that group that they got mixed up with.

We propose that in Bill 69 accommodation and travel should not be part of what the arbitrator can eliminate. And apprenticeship ratios should not be touched; they should be left in place.

At the bottom, number 3, arbitrators: We propose that a list of arbitrators be created consisting of those who are on the Ministry of Labour's approved list of arbitrators and have a history of arbitrating cases in the construction industry. Experience is certainly needed to be an arbitrator in the construction industry because it is different from any other industry in the province.

Hiring hall: Bill 69 destroys the hiring hall provisions by imposing default hiring provisions to allow employers to select 76% of the required workforce. This percentage is far too high and was never considered during the industry discussions by the unions; 50% would be a fairer number. Many unions have 50% now and have found this number to be workable. These provisions ensure that employment is not based on favouritism, but rather that everyone on the list will have an equal opportunity to be employed based on availability of work and their place on the list. At the same time, the hiring hall provisions protect employers by requiring unions to provide only qualified workers.

Bill 69 removes that protection. It provides the employer with a licence to pick and choose the same specific individuals for subsequent projects, and results in an unfair advantage to some workers over others. It will affect injured workers, older workers, women and visible minorities, and it will affect workers in smaller communities. The result will be an underclass of workers who will seldom be selected for work and will end up leaving the industry.

The designated regional employers' organizations: This just is a mystery to me and to the people I talk to, how there can be more than one employer organization that we have to deal with. We certainly recommend that that employer organization be appointed by the local bargaining committee from the contractor's side because they're the people who know how to deal with the unions.

Section 163.6, the sunset and review: We don't see any reason for the minister to have that in the act. He doesn't require statutory direction to do a review.

All through the negotiations, and they were negotiations, mobility, name-hire and market recovery are something the contractors' association has tried to get out of us for-well, I've been business manager going on 13 years now and they've been trying to get those things all these years. Now, under this act, they've got it. They think they've died and gone to heaven.

The word "significant" needs to be in there when it talks about arbitration and differences in costs. Accommodation and travel have to remain in there, and again, apprenticeship ratios.

There are other things the act doesn't talk about: the bidding system in the province of Ontario. It's so terrible that there are people who take advantage. I know why a lot of those general contractors went out of business. They all got screwed by larger general contractors.

Earlier and last night it was said how wonderful it is in Alberta. You know what? I think there are three large general contractors in Alberta now. They've driven everybody else out of business and they are the ones now that are in power. I guess it's only a matter of time before there will only be two big general contractors in Alberta and I hope they stay in Alberta.

The Chair: Thank you very much, Mr Fashion. I don't think we have any time for questions, gentlemen, sorry.

Mr Fashion: Boy, and I cut it short.

The Chair: You took your 10 minutes. Thanks.

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VANBOTS CONSTRUCTION CORP

The Chair: Mr Matt Ainley, Vanbots Construction Corp.

Mr Matt Ainley: Thank you for the opportunity to discuss Bill 69. For the record, Vanbots Construction supports the thrust of Bill 69. We think it's a good first step; however, we do have some concerns and I'd like to address them today.

By way of background, back in 1964, on April 3, Vanbots signed what's called a "working agreement" with the Building Construction Trades Council of Toronto and Vicinity. At that time, this agreement bound us to six civil trades, which we were quite happy with and still are to this day. We had to use subcontractors also of that type of mix of companies.

In the early 1980s, though, an unprecedented decision by the labour board found that the general contractors were not only bound by the six civil trades at that time, but to all 24 trades. These additional 18 trades were never directly employed by Vanbots. We did not voluntarily sign up for them; it was something done retroactively.

Subsection 1(4) of the Ontario Labour Relations Act bound the employers forever in doing business with the building trades council and we believe this puts a situation of unfairness into our right to bargain fairly.

As of 1983, 288 contractors had a working agreement, the same working agreement Vanbots had. This year only eight exist-you've heard this before-and no doubt that will drop in the next few years if this is not properly addressed.

The difference for Vanbots is that we do not want out of our union agreements with the six civil trades. We voluntarily signed up for them; they work for us. What we want to do is create a level playing field, and I will address that in a few moments.

Over the last 20 years market conditions have shifted such that there are more non-union and semi-union contractors now operating in this province. This is a large growth that has taken away business from the eight contractors now remaining today. In fact, we are in a position where we cannot be competitive. That is not a good situation for our firm or the other eight firms. All we seek is to have the same equal opportunities these other firms have, to be competitive in the marketplace and to make the decisions they can make; we would like to have those decisions in front of us as well.

As an example of how this affects Vanbots, I have included in this document which is before you now an appendix A, an invited bid list for one of Vanbots' repeat clients that we've had a relationship with for seven years. This client has chosen, on its next project, to pre-qualify mechanical-electrical bidders. There are both union and non-union mechanical-electrical bidders on that list. Unfortunately, all the union mechanical-electrical bidders have withdrawn from the bid list, and now we are faced with being in the position that we cannot bid because we cannot use non-union mechanical-electrical bidders. So we have been forced to call our client with which we have a relationship and tell them we can no longer have a relationship with them.

Vanbots, quite simply, is losing its market share to non-union and semi-union general contractors who have the ability to use non-union contractors. This is a situation that is now restricting our ability to secure work. There are other examples attached in the appendix that you can review, but very simply, because time is of the essence here today, from January to April this year our company has bid on five projects totalling $22.7 million worth of work. If we had the ability to use non-union on our mechanical-electrical, we'd have been the low bid. So we are losing market share each and every year.

Another situation that puts Vanbots and the other contractors with our agreement at a disadvantage is contractors who can come in from other provinces or from the United States and set up shop. Companies such as Ledcor, Dominion, Turner and Axor all have the ability to use non-union trade contractors, which we cannot. They are therefore much more competitive than us and are beginning to take work away from our company.

There are also semi-union contractors out there, and some notable companies such as Bird, PCL, BFC, Buttcon and the like have only part agreements, not all 24; some of them own as little as two, some as many of seven or eight. They too have advantages over Vanbots and the other companies with our agreement.

What we request is a level playing field for all contractors, whether they be union, semi-union or non-union. We believe Bill 69 does not go far enough to do that. The current proposed amendment to the Labour Relations Act does not remove the unfair working agreements that are affecting our company. The draft position paper of the Minister of Labour, Mr Stockwell, dated February 3, made reference that contractors affected by the working agreement would be voluntarily released outside board area 8. He has not done that in Bill 69. In fact the Premier and the government promised to do that and they have not done that. All we ask they do is make good on their promise.

It is important to note that a level playing field and legislative relief is required for the eight contractors, and it must be legislated because the unions have said they will not voluntarily give us the relief we seek. Vanbots Construction, so you understand the difference between inside and outside board area 8, does $500 million worth of work annually. Some 12% of our volume is outside board area 8, so getting relief outside board area 8 is simply not enough. We need more.

As I have said, Bill 69 currently assumes that the unions will be giving us voluntary relief. They have openly stated they will not do it. We do require legislative change as part of Bill 69. We respectfully request that this committee consider this and make the necessary amendments to Bill 69 that will relieve our position.

There are eight contractors, as you know, that have our agreement. There are other contractors that are in a position somewhat similar to Vanbots and the eight, but not totally. The difference, though, between the eight and those others is that we did not voluntarily sign those agreements; those contractors did. All we want is a level playing field.

We are very happy with our union agreements with the six civil trades. It has worked very well for us, and we want to continue with that. We have excellent relationships with our unions that we do business with. What we're asking for is a level playing field. Two hundred and eighty-eight contractors in the last 20 years, now down to eight. I think that is very much a significant disadvantage, and that's what has been talked about today by these gentlemen, and I understand that. But there is a distinct disadvantage for us, and we ask that the committee seriously consider our request. Thank you.

The Chair: There are about two minutes left. Mr Gill?

Mr Gill: Thank you, Mr Ainley. I appreciate your input. Our government has been known to make promises and keep promises. As I understand, this was a very open discussion among various parties and there was no promise made outside of board area 8 in that sense. Can you enlighten me that one was made?

Mr Ainley: The Premier and Mr Stockwell have on several occasions stated that they will provide relief for the eight contractors. This was in the February 3 position paper. Mr Stockwell then did a tour of the province and stated that position at three different stops that he made along the way. So it's public knowledge that the promise has been made. All we're asking is that it be delivered. Bill 69 does not do that for us. Therefore what we're asking for is that it be handled through legislation change, and that would require an amendment to the current bill the way it's written.

Mr Gill: As I understand it, it was an open discussion, a fair discussion, every party was involved, and I don't believe that promise per se was made.

Mr Ainley: Well, I would differ, sir.

The Chair: Perhaps 30 seconds, Mr Bryant. No question?

Mr Michael Bryant (St Paul's): No question. Thank you very much for your presentation, but I want to make sure that we get everybody on, so I'll pass on the question.

The Chair: Thank you, Mr Ainley.

INDEPENDENT CONTRACTORS ASSOCIATION

The Chair: The next presenters are Mr Arthur Potts and Mr David McDonald, representing the Independent Contractors Association. Good afternoon, gentlemen. I'm sorry that we're sort of-

Mr Arthur Potts: That's all right. Thank you, Madam Chair, Mr Minister, members of the committee. Mr Minister, good to see you had time to drop in for our presentation. I want you to understand it was strictly coincidental since we were supposed to go about half an hour ago, but good to have you here, in any event.

The Chair: Yes, we are running a little late. That's why I'm trying to compress things.

Mr Potts: It worked to my advantage. I couldn't be more delighted.

We're here in support of Bill 69. We see its intent as expanding on the competition in the construction industry generally by addressing bargaining power issues and inequities that have arisen over the past 20 years in the unionized sector. At the same time, the bill respects the rights of employees who have decided to join a construction trade union, and it does not permit wholesale double-breasting, which may very well have undermined their freely taken decisions.

However, while the bill addresses competitive issues on behalf of the unionized construction sector, it does nothing to open up competition and tendering practices for the non-construction employers, who are unjustifiably subject to province-wide construction relationships over which they have no input or control. Fairness dictates that if the unionized sector is going to have better access to construction work, then the bill should also address barriers in the Labour Relations Act that continue to bind non-construction employers to construction agreements.

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Our association represents about 100 general shop contractors and subtrade contractors who first came together in response to the amalgamation of the city of Toronto and the Toronto District School Board. As a result of that process, construction work is now tendered in those jurisdictions only to contractors who have applicable trade union contracts. We think that's grotesquely unfair. In effect, hundreds of qualified contractors and thousands of their employees, some of whom have worked for those jurisdictions for decades, were kicked off the job sites and their businesses were destroyed.

Two years ago, the government of Ontario passed the Economic Development and Workplace Democracy Act, which partly addressed our concerns. Bill 31 created a class of non-construction employers and prohibited construction trades from certifying these employers under the construction sections of the act. It further provided a mechanism for non-construction employers such as the city of Toronto to get out of construction bargaining relationships that should never have been applied to them in the first place.

Unfortunately, the bill has not worked. In the two years since coming into force, no non-construction employers have been able to escape their bargaining relationships with the trades. While this is due in part to very creative interpretations by the Labour Relations Board, it has more to do with ambiguous language that we believe can easily be rectified. In particular, we would like to see an amendment that would clarify the definition of employer for the purposes of construction sections of the act.

Currently, the act broadly defines the employer as a person who operates a business in the construction industry, but then narrows the definition by excluding non-construction employers. The effect is that a non-construction employer, like the city of Toronto, is automatically presumed to be covered by the act unless they can take the necessary steps to be excluded.

The definition of employer for our purposes and the purposes of the construction sections of the act would work better if it specifically defined an employer for the purposes of the act as a person who operates a business in the construction industry selling construction services. A non-construction employer therefore would be defined as a person who is not engaged in a business in the construction industry selling construction services. The key here is that the definition specifically looks to the selling of construction services in order to catch the employers.

We would also like to see an amendment that would remove the requirement under subsection 127.2(2) that a non-construction employer have no employees in the bargaining unit as of the date of application. This requirement perpetuates an extremely undemocratic and unfair practice that Bill 31 has attempted to remedy.

At the city of Toronto, for instance, there are eight collective construction agreements in question. In these eight bargaining units, under the ICI sector, the city currently employs about 130 construction workers, including only one glazier, one bricklayer, two sheetmetal workers and no insulator mechanics, all of whom have collective agreement relationships. There are 14 painters and others in electrical carpentry. These few employees make it impossible for the city to open up tendering to thousands of qualified tradespersons because they cannot make an application to get out of these bargaining relationships.

The clause should be amended by deleting all the words after "employed in the construction industry" in that subsection. The OLRB has the power to amend bargaining unit definitions, so these persons would continue to have representation at the city but they would be in an industrial bargaining unit, where they are more appropriately placed. It is patently unfair that one bricklayer should dictate that hundreds of qualified bricklayers are ineligible to work on city-funded projects.

In summary, we believe the thrust of the bill is consistent, and it's appropriate that it helps open up competition while respecting the right of employees to self-determine whether or not they wish to be represented by a construction union. While making changes to benefit the union sector, we would ask that you also make the necessary changes to open up tendering for non-construction employers.

You should simply ask yourselves: Is it appropriate that the city of Toronto, a non-construction employer, should have more construction agreements than any other construction company in the province? If you answer that as not appropriate, you will need to make these few changes to help restore fairness. We've attached some draft suggestions of the language and would be pleased to answer any of your questions.

Mr Bartolucci: I'd like to thank you very much for your presentation. I'm sorry I didn't hear the entire presentation. I apologize for that. I'd like to just ask for your opinion with regard to the final offer selection process that's in play. I'm going to ask you because I think you're on the side that there's sort of some favouritism attached to it, whether knowingly or unknowingly. Do you think that there should be both the DREOs and the EBAs making final offers for one side? Do you not think it's like a good guy, bad buy approach to final offer selection?

Mr David McDonald: We're the innocents in this discussion. We don't have to deal with these.

Mr Bartolucci: No, and that's the reason I'm asking.

Mr Potts: Quite frankly, the unionized construction sector, both the construction employer group and the construction trade unions, have their own deals to work out on how this is going to work.

I'm surprised to hear all this give and take and back and forth in these committee hearings. It was my understanding that we sat down and hammered out an agreement between groups and that this was in place. I guess it's all those who have been excluded or somehow weren't included who are coming forward. I'm not sure.

We haven't followed those discussions and have not been part and parcel of them. It really doesn't affect our industry. We represent companies who believe that people should have an opportunity to bid on jobs regardless of whether or not they are unionized.

Mr Bartolucci: Maybe that's why you're the best guy to answer this question, and so I'll go back to it again. Really, do you think it's fair when you can have a good guy, bad guy final offer process in place?

Mr Potts: I'm not qualified to answer.

Mr McDonald: I'm not qualified to answer.

The gist of it is that they basically have to figure it out for themselves in the end anyway; there are bargaining relationships. I'm not in favour of double-breasting and getting out of all the union agreements. Some people deserve unions and some people-we do well without them. They try to certify us. I don't think we've engaged in any unfair practices, but we have the right to bid on work. But they are in the situation where they have to bargain in good faith with their employers.

Mr Potts: Putting it another way, the fact is that in those sectors where we're concerned, where the unionized construction contractors and unions hold an absolute monopoly on the work, they don't have to worry about outside competition. It's where they're having outside competition from safe and economic contractors in the open shop sector that they're concerned about competition. If they're going to get more access by changing agreements, then that's fine and dandy. We will compete with them dollar for dollar, health and safety issue for health and safety issue on every single job site. But we want the same right to compete in their back yard, where they have restrictive tendering provisions; for instance, in the city of Toronto.

The Chair: That's all the time, gentlemen.

Mr Potts: Thanks for your time.

GREATER TORONTO HOME BUILDERS' ASSOCIATION

The Chair: Mr Murphy, Greater Toronto Home Builders' Association.

Mr Jim Murphy: Thank you, Madam Chair. I'm actually not going to be making our presentation. Our president, Eric Wegler, will be making it.

Mr Eric Wegler: Good afternoon, Madam Chair and committee members. My name is Eric Wegler, and I am president of the Greater Toronto Home Builders' Association. With me is our director of government relations, Jim Murphy.

First, some background on the Greater Toronto Home Builders' Association. We represent the residential construction industry within the GTA and have done so since 1921. Our membership of over 1,000 companies includes the residential home builder and professional renovator, along with other components of the housing industry including subcontractors and professional firms. Last year in the GTA our members sold over 37,000 new homes and contributed over 100,000 person-years of employment to the regional economy.

Tonight, I want to speak to three issues: firstly, why the legislation is required; secondly, the geographic areas covered by the legislation on the residential side; and thirdly, the issue of arbitration.

I am sure many of you remember the strikes that affected our industry in the summer of 1998. Residential construction in the GTA lost a combined total of 59 weeks of production. At least one trade was on strike at any given time between May l, 1998, and September 14, 1998, for a total of 135 days. In the last 11 years there have been no fewer than 2l strikes, with a combined length of 90 weeks.

Unlike other industries, the residential construction industry is represented by a number of unions. Varying contract expiry dates create uncertainty and difficulty for both builders and, more importantly, new home purchasers. This situation is commonly referred to as stacking, and is what the industry and consumers believe needs to be changed the most.

Together with other industry associations, we proposed a solution that would provide for a common expiry date for contracts and a common length of contract, with matters then being referred to arbitration. The legislation before you today does just that. The legislation will be a huge improvement in providing both the industry and the new home purchaser with certainty in the process, as it includes a common expiry date for contracts, a common length of contract with matters then being referred to arbitration.

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The legislation before you today does just that. The legislation will be a huge improvement in providing both the industry and the new home purchaser with certainty in the process as it includes a common expiry date for contracts, a common length of contracts of three years and a limited strike and lockout provision of 46 days.

Most union agreements in the Toronto area cover the entire GTA. The legislation, unfortunately, omits Durham region from its coverage area. Similarly, Simcoe county, including the city of Barrie, is also excluded from the legislation. The Greater Toronto Home Builders' Association has been working with both the Durham Region Home Builders' Association and the Greater Barrie Home Builders' Association, who are in agreement that the provisions of the legislation affecting residential construction should also cover Durham and Simcoe. The Greater Toronto Home Builders' Association recommends that the legislation be amended to include Durham region as well as Simcoe county. The amendment will treat the GTA market area the same and provide for common agreements GTA-wide. There would be no second-class homebuyers within the GTA.

The last issue I wish to address today is arbitration. The legislation affecting the residential sector currently states that parties to collective bargaining agreements devise their own arbitration model. Failure to agree on a model would then be addressed by an arbitration model to be designed by the province as per a regulatory power provided for in the legislation.

The Greater Toronto Home Builders' Association would offer two comments and recommendations on this matter. We believe that only monetary items should go to arbitration. This is the model followed by the Electrical Contractors Association and the IBEW, which is the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers. This existed over their last three rounds of negotiations, albeit on a voluntary basis. From an industry point of view, our concern is that items be limited so that the process is not open-ended, with hundreds of issues being arbitrated. Such a system would also encourage the parties to seek a resolution to as many matters as possible by themselves prior to arbitration.

Second, the Greater Toronto Home Builders' Association recommends that final offer selection be the model used for arbitration. Again, both the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers and the Electrical Contractors Association have used this model, which has limited their dispute and brought settlements quickly. Under final offer selection a date is given and, if an agreement is not reached, the position on the table becomes the final position of both parties, with no time to amend it before an arbiter rules. We note that the legislation, as currently drafted, provides for such a mechanism on the ICI side of the industry. We would like to see the same on the residential side.

I want to thank you, Madam Chair, for your time this evening. We believe this is important legislation for the residential construction industry. It will provide annually literally tens of thousands of new home purchasers with increased certainty on the delivery date for the most important purchase of their lives, a new home.

The Chair: Thank you, Mr Wegler. We have perhaps three minutes for questions.

Mr Christopherson: Thank you for your submission. Just on your last comment, "It will provide annually literally tens of thousands of new home purchasers with increased certainty...." Let's bear in mind, though, that when we say having stability in the marketplace of building homes is good to the extent that people have deadlines etc, construction workers buy homes too. Their relative wage rates reflect and affect everyone else in the whole continuum of the relative amount of money that everyone makes, whether it's nurses, firefighters or construction workers. The idea that we've got yet one more area where there's pressure pushing down wages at the end of the day I don't think is going to help those of you who build houses, because the more you cheapen the value of labour in Ontario, the fewer people are able to purchase a new home. But that's a statement. I leave that for you to comment, if you wish.

My question would be on your comments around the 45 days.

Mr Wegler: Forty-six days.

Mr Christopherson: Forty-six days. As you know, number one, we've got a disagreement with some of the union leaders who were at the negotiating table with the minister and with the employers as to whether or not that was agreed upon.

But certainly, if you look at the Hansard, quite a few union leaders have come forward and said, "If you ram this through, you effectively deny the right to strike," which is a universal right declared by the United Nations, and they're not going to stand for it. At the end of the day, you're going to end up with more disruption and more wildcats than you would if you didn't have this in place right off the bat. What are your thoughts on that?

Mr Wegler: First of all, the unions are in agreement with the proposed legislation, so I don't really see it as a problem.

Mr Christopherson: No, I'm sorry, not all of them.

Mr Wegler: They were at the table with us for a year and a half and we worked very hard with them on coming up with what you find in the current proposed legislation, albeit you don't agree, but we were there.

Mr Christopherson: Mr Cartwright, who represents the carpenters, has been here and has stated that this was not agreed to and he disagrees with them. They've got a huge problem.

Mr Wegler: We may not have agreement with everybody, but certainly the major unions we deal with and that deal in the greater Toronto area are in agreement.

Mr Murphy: Madam Chair, just on that point, if I can just-

The Chair: We really are running-

Mr Murphy: At the table, I think for the first time, everybody who was at the discussions agreed to a defined date in terms of the strike or lockout period, which has never occurred in the private sector before. People may differ in terms of the number of days and the time that takes, but on that issue they agreed.

Mr DeFaria: I am glad you are very enthusiastic about the legislation. I just want to ask you a very direct question. Can you tell the committee what safeguards there are in industry to ensure that as a result of our legislation the salaries of construction workers will not be negatively impacted by the legislation? I want you to be specific, because following you is my good friend Tony Dionisio to make a presentation, so he'll be dealing with that question.

Mr Wegler: I think the arbitration model itself ensures that the results will be fair. Over the past number of years certain strikes have been settled by arbitration and, to be honest with you, the settlements most usually have been more in favour of the worker than of the employer. I think we've all agreed that if arbitration is the way to go, then it's the way to go, and we're willing to live with the results.

Mr Bartolucci: Just to follow up on Mr Christopherson's question, you made a comment that the parties agree to a defined length of time, but that definition never included the number 45. So you would agree then with a window of 75 days.

Mr Murphy: I didn't say that.

Mr Bartolucci: But you said that everybody around the table-

Mr Murphy: Everybody accepted the principle of a defined time.

Mr Bartolucci: -agreed to a defined time.

Mr Murphy: Everybody accepted the principle of a defined period for a strike or lockout period. There wasn't agreement in terms of what the time was, but they agreed on the principle. So at the end of the day somebody has to make a decision in terms of what that period is.

Mr Bartolucci: But the 45-day wasn't agreed upon by the players. It's important for me to know that.

Mr Murphy: I can't speak for the other parties.

The Chair: Thank you, Mr Murphy and Mr Wegler, for coming this afternoon.

UNIVERSAL WORKERS UNION LOCAL 183

The Chair: The next presenters are Mr Mark Lewis and Mr Antonio Dionisio. If you're going to read this whole package in 10 minutes-

Mr Mark Lewis: I don't intend to read it.

Mr Antonio Dionisio: Madam Chair, Mr Minister and members of the committee, good afternoon, and thank you for the opportunity to speak with regard to Bill 69.

My name is Tony Dionisio. I am the business manager of the Universal Workers Union local 183. We represent a true number of over 24,000 members in the residential sector. It's our industry and that is why we're here today. I will ask my general counsel to speak on the bill, and we'd be more than pleased to answer any questions after this.

Mr Lewis: Given that we only had 10 minutes to speak, we've provided you with extensive materials. It's not our intention to go through them, but they outline general views on the process of reform in the residential sector, our views on Bill 69 and suggestions with respect to amendments.

Just picking up on some of the last comments, local 183 has never been in favour of limiting the right to strike. However, when it was put to us that some limit may be imposed on our right to strike, after consultation with our membership and thinking about the situation, our view has been that we should go straight to arbitration. If we're not going to have real strikes, then let's just go to arbitration. Nevertheless, that's not the option that was set out in Bill 69. We are determined to try and make the system work, to work within the system, and we think we can make it work with increased stability and assurance for homebuyers and the entire industry, but there is a need for particular amendments.

1750

We too are requesting that the geographic area be expanded. We are looking to include all of what is commonly known as board area 8 and Simcoe county and what is known as board area 9, which is the area immediately to the east of the city. Those board areas are the geographic areas for which construction unions acquire bargaining rights. Accordingly, we are looking to define the arbitration processes and the limitations in Bill 69 by way of board areas, because most of the agreements will reflect those standard board areas. Our position on what the geographic area should be is set out precisely in tab 2 of the brief.

The most important amendment we are asking you to consider is the concept of including a designated residential employer organization within Bill 69. We bargain standard industry collective agreements with employer associations and with independent employers. We have tried to set out as accurately as possible in the table that's found at tab 1 of your brief the agreements that we have and the numbers of employers that are bound to those agreements either by virtue of their membership in an association or because they're independent employers who are bound to a collective agreement which contains exactly the same terms and conditions.

Our industry demands that there be one collective agreement for everybody so that no contractor has an advantage over any other unionized contractor, so that there is a level playing field. The problem we are facing with Bill 69 as it is currently drafted is probably best set out in reference to our bricklaying division. As you can see from the table, we have agreements with 579 bricklaying contractors; 139 of them are members of the association MCAT. We can have one arbitration hearing for those 139 companies. They will be represented by their association. With the independents, we're left with the prospect of having 440 arbitration hearings, one for each of them. That's 441 arbitrations for our bricklaying division alone, and the problems continue all the way down the table. That cannot be what Bill 69 was intended to do.

There has to be a mechanism in this bill for this trial period which makes the employers speak with one voice, so we can go to one arbitration, one view on the other side of the table, one decision which is going to set the industry agreement. Having all of those parties at a hearing is literally impossible. The levels of sophistication among the contractors, never mind finding a room big enough, and the language difficulties we face will make that very difficult. What we are suggesting is that the minister choose an employer association and say: "For this round, for this trial process, you represent your industry. You go and consult with all the independents. You get them together and find out what they want. You hold ratification votes and so forth among yourselves, but we're only going to do one arbitration to ensure that there's one agreement at the end."

There are a number of other amendments we are seeking, most of which we think are quite simple and straightforward and tend to be housekeeping in nature. We are looking to ensure that the arbitrators who conduct arbitration hearings under Bill 69 have the standard powers that other arbitrators have under the Labour Relations Act. We have provided suggested amendments and the reasons are set out in our brief and in our tabbed documents.

We also want freeze provisions to protect our workers. Our members can be on strike up till June 15. Thereafter they are required to return to work and must continue working throughout, and an agreement will be set for them. There must be, in our view, language put into Bill 69 to say what the terms and conditions are that they work under in that period before there's an arbitration decision: what they're supposed to be paid, what their benefits are, what happens if they're fired. We've drafted amendments which we think mirror other sections of the act, similar situations.

We have requested that language be put in Bill 69 to deal with retroactivity, which we think is a vital concern and will encourage parties to make their own settlements if they're unclear about the retroactive effect of any wage increases or other changes in the agreement.

We also ask you to urge the minister to create a pool of specialized arbitrators for the construction industry. If anybody's going to set our agreement in what is a very difficult field, we feel the industry as a whole, employers and unions, should be able to decide who they are. We're not like any other industry. Nobody wants somebody who might be very good at health care dealing with the construction industry.

There's one further major item with respect to the residential sector which we would ask you to look at, and that is what arbitrators do with what is commonly known as a crossover clause. All of our collective agreements and lots of the other unions in this room have collective agreements which incorporate by reference the terms of other collective agreements, called a crossover. For example, our concrete and drain collective agreement incorporates by reference our utilities collective agreement, among others, and says that when the employer does utilities work he should apply the utilities agreement. It is unclear, based on the language of Bill 69, whether the arbitrator has the power to deal with those incorporated by reference agreements. Accordingly, what we're asking is, if the parties go to arbitration, those agreements that are incorporated by reference in the old collective agreement continue to be incorporated by reference in the new collective agreement.

The last point I wish to talk about is the family relationship sections, subsection 1(4) and section 69. We have no problem with what we perceive to be the intent of the sections. We have never believed that a family relationship in and of itself should be enough to establish a related successor employer on the sale of the business. However, it seems absurd to us that the labour board should be the only people in the room not to know that there's a father and son involved, or that they have to maintain a legal fiction that Mr X and Mr X aren't somehow related. It seems to us that if the Legislature wishes to send a clear message to the labour board that family relationships should not be determinative, then the legislation should not say they can't consider a family relationship, but they should just not consider a family relationship as being determinative, and we've drafted something accordingly.

I'm sorry, I went through very quickly. We have tried to outline it in our materials. We put in our earlier positions throughout the process. We have tried to maintain consistency. I'm sure Mr Dionisio will speak to this further if he's asked questions. We've included our newsletters to tell you about us. I think I can say this: You're all welcome to come and visit us if you want to see our union and what we're trying to do to make sure our industry works and has a workforce for the future.

The Chair: Thank you very much, Mr Lewis. We have run out of time, gentlemen, unfortunately.

1800

MASONRY INDUSTRY EMPLOYERS COUNCIL OF ONTARIO

The Chair: We'll go to the next presenters, Mr Blair, Mr George and Mr Bannon, representing the Masonry Industry Employers Council of Ontario.

Mr John Blair: Madam Chair, members of the committee, we appreciate your indulgence. I'm sure that over the course of the last three days you've heard most technical and rhetorical arguments, so we're not going to beleaguer you with more.

As the Masonry Industry Employers Council of Ontario, we represent the signatory employers in the ICI sector across the province. Simply put, we are in support of the amendments as they are tabled. We believe in some of the people and the representatives from both labour and management who were at that table. We believe that the consultation process that they've come out of is a compromise. It has been done by consensus and it results in legislation that we believe will affect the unionized sector in Ontario, will make it more competitive and will advantage our employers.

It's also understandable that the second issue we've addressed here may come as a surprise to some of you. I am cognizant of the fact that the issue between the International Union of Bricklayers and Allied Craftworkers and the Brick and Allied Craft Union of Canada is in fact before the Ontario Labour Relations Board, therefore we're sensitive and understanding that people would not wish to comment on the particulars of that issue. However, I'd like to draw your attention to one simple fact that we believe is important. In the amendments that are tabled, there is no provision to deal with the employer community while these union factions are dealing with each other in this process.

We have a concern, and it is one we've experienced over this last three years. Inasmuch as we have tremendous regard for the right of a trade union to seek status as the certified employee bargaining agency, and in turn we have tremendous regard for the right of an individual to seek proper representation from a trade union, and to make that decision without any intimidation, coercion or intervention in any way, as the act states, by an employer, it's unfortunate in our minds, however, that the same level of respect is not exhibited by the parties in the course of seeking the status they seek. We, as an employer community, have been called upon to spend a substantial amount of money in an effort to protect ourselves from this spiralling vortex, as I've mentioned here, that has been ensuing at the board for the last three years.

It is not for us to question the merits or the provisions that are set out in Bill 80. We believe those are provisions which are the sanctity of the union to deal with itself in its own internal relationship. However, we have experienced in our own way the result of this process, and we're asking you folks to look at this in some way to tighten and strengthen the provisions that when this process is going on, the employer community is not required to go and defend itself through a myriad of litigations at the board until the status of the union has been decided. This has been a three-year migraine headache for our community, and the Aspirin has been very expensive.

I thank you, and we'll entertain some questions. I've brought David Bannon, who is counsel for MIECO, here in case there are questions regarding a legal nature, and I've asked Mr Eugene George, who is the chairman of MIECO, to be here as well. Thank you very much.

The Chair: Thank you. We have time for just perhaps a couple of questions from each member.

Mr Gill: I just want to make a comment. I appreciate you coming in, first of all. I think you put it in a nutshell, in a way, when you say you support Bill 69 and the agreement was reached by consensus. I appreciate that and I'd like to put that on the record because that's what we've been saying from the beginning, that it was the process to follow. I suppose to some extent that has been successful. Thank you.

Mr Eugene George: I would just like to comment on mobility. The mobility factor for a person like myself-I've been in business 51 years now and the last few years have been very difficult. With the help we're getting in mobility, what will happen to us is that many of our people will be able to transfer out of an area, from, say, Kitchener to Galt, which is only a matter of six miles away, or Guelph, 11 miles away. Under the old system in the hiring hall, we could not do that. So this certainly is a benefit.

The other benefit that I see out of this is apprentices. I used to train 60 apprentices. We haven't had but one or two, and one of the basic reasons is that we can't develop enough hours in a particular area, such as the Kitchener area, to keep these apprentices busy. This is certainly going to help me in developing apprentices. Many of these apprentices have become our competition, our superintendents, our foremen and our tradespeople, and from that point I think it's great.

Mr Bartolucci: Thank you very much for your presentation. I have some concerns about the mobility issue and the naming issue, among other parts of the bill that are bothersome to me. But let's talk about mobility for a little while, Mr George.

I'm from Sudbury. My best friends are bricklayers because I grew up in the construction industry. They have to work with this. Because you're going to bring your company from southern Ontario, you're going to have the opportunity to bring 40% of the workforce with you. Whether you're going to or not, you have the opportunity. When you get there, you're going to be able to name another 60% or the other 36. So you're not going to take my paesano Armando, who's 51 years old and has a bit of a sore shoulder. I really worry about that because he may not be on next at the hiring hall; he may not be the next guy to get a fair shot at it. How are you going to tell my friends in Sudbury that mobility and the naming issue are fair to them?

The Chair: Can you answer that in about 10 seconds?

Mr Blair: If I can, really quickly. The fact is that there's a geographical reason why you don't want to bring people that far. You have to pay them to travel that distance, and within the provisions of the agreement there has to be a mechanism so that you're going to bring those people in.

The other part I'd like to applaud you on is your selection of friends. The bricklayers have been mentioned a lot during the course of the process, and we're happy. We're an industry that's looking to promote itself, so I appreciate that. I understand your concerns, but we have every reason to believe that there are qualified tradespeople in Sudbury, as there are in Kitchener. I want to point out too that despite the item that I mentioned here with regard to the two union factions, we still believe the unionized sector is the best sector and we still believe, despite some of the wranglings, that consensus and compromise are the best vehicles, even when people don't seem to be as willing to listen, sometimes, as they need to or ought to.

The Chair: Mr Christopherson, you have time for one question.

Mr Christopherson: I just want to pick up on the answer you gave Mr Bartolucci, when you said you wouldn't pay that much money for travel and allowances. Under this new law, if you want to make an argument that the fact that you have to pay accommodation and travel under the collective agreement has made you uncompetitive or put you at an uncompetitive disadvantage, then you can apply for relief under Bill 69 and effectively have all those accommodation costs and travel allowances wiped out.

Also, we're hearing so far, and I don't hear the government making the case any differently-we still have the notion that the 40% could be changed under the same clause. Some of the answers you gave in terms of assurances: I have some concern they aren't protected by virtue of the new language that's in 69.

Mr Blair: If I can address your question-I believe that's a question. The provisions that are set out and tabled in these amendments. If one were to look at the existing collective agreement that we employers now have with the union, you would find that many of the mechanisms that are set out there and the ones that have been tabled are in fact a part of this agreement. Inasmuch as I'm not going to sit here and promote or try and present as if we have a Valhalla arrangement, I am cognizant of one thing. The realities of the marketplace and the fact that there are good, qualified tradespeople within the bricklayers' union allow us to operate. That's why we're not here tabling and recommending double-breasting. We are saying we believe we can work within the system. These amendments will clear the lines of communication and make it better for us to operate.

The Chair: Thank you, gentlemen, for coming this afternoon.

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ELLIS-DON CONSTRUCTION

The Chair: The final presenter for the evening is Mr Bob Smith from Ellis-Don.

Mr Bob Smith: My name is Bob Smith. I'm vice-president of Ellis-Don Construction. I'm taking a little different tack. I'm going to start by telling you a bit about Ellis-Don. It was started in 1951, building primary schools for the baby boom and then grew to high schools as the kids got a bit older and in fact blossomed on as a major general contractor on the University of Western Ontario campus. It grew from those roots to Stratford, Sudbury, Timmins, Ottawa, chasing opportunities. The biggest job it had in those days of growth was the University Hospital in London, and I'll speak a bit about that in a minute.

We turned to the larger market in Toronto and over time we became the largest contractor in the Toronto market. By then, we were the biggest contractor in Ontario and we were the best contractor in the country. We grew from Halifax to Vancouver from a solid base in the London market, where to say we were pre-eminent would be a gross understatement for the London market.

My father, Don Smith, who was largely responsible for this growth, rode the success of this company to make further significant contributions to the province, for which he was awarded, among other recognitions, the Order of Canada, the Order of Merit from the Canadian Council of Christians and Jews and he was the champion of the Boys' Club in London, among many other contributions to the community. What a great story. What a great Ontarian. What a great Canadian. What a great legacy to leave to his corporate and his immediate family.

Then came the "Oh, my God," labour relations ruling of 1992. You've already heard the incredible impact that this ruling has inflicted: 280 companies, probably mostly family companies smaller than Ellis-Don, but some pretty large companies-all union, all gone. Only eight left. Think about it.

Ellis-Don, builder of the SkyDome, here today begging for its life. Imagine. You have heard and know the details of what that ruling and the foregone union deal to fix it in 1997 has meant to the eight general contractors. Some of our competitors have protested that they prefer the status quo. Let's understand why. The electrical contractors have said they prefer us shackled. Let's have a look at their motivation too.

But I'm here to give our viewpoint, to convey in a sensory fashion that you might understand the fear within our company. If we lose this round, this flight of logic will have prevailed and our company will fail. With its proud heritage, its proud employees who own almost half of the company, we will fail-not without a fight worthy of our valiant and loyal troop, but fail regardless because of the unfair laws of our province, wrongly interpreted, and the small-minded special interests who have so little to benefit from our undoing but who push for it anyway.

Let me paint a few pictures for you. University Hospital and Victoria Hospital in London, now the London Health Sciences Centre, both built by Ellis-Don in our past, are looking for significant expansion as part of the $1-billion hospital expansion now coming in Ontario, looking for a competent contractor with whom to partner in their planning as well as their execution. Respectfully, there is no one more qualified than Ellis-Don to fill that role for those hospitals in London.

But they won't consider Ellis-Don at all. They can't consider Ellis-Don because of unfair Ontario laws. Imagine. Ellis-Don, builder of more hospitals in Canada than any other contractor, cannot be considered for these London hospital projects. Think about it. Does that sound right to you?

Let me paint a picture of a lump sum bid. A project comes in for a lump sum bid for a preferred client of Ellis-Don; a short list of bidders and, luckily, all union, save one. Estimating studies the drawings to map out Ellis-Don's plan, unique, we hope, in meeting the owners' requirements at the most competitive price. We've checked the bidding subs and because of the size and complexity of the job, only major unionized subs are bidding. We're pretty happy about this.

Two and a half weeks of late nights and then the day of the closing, only one surprise: A non-union structural steel subcontractor we didn't expect phones in a bid $250,000 lower than the lowest union bid. All our efforts are now wasted-two weeks. We will not get the job. Our competition, PCL, Bondfield, BFC and other members of COCA, get the same bid. They know as soon as they get it that one, and maybe two of the bidders, if Eastern or VanBots is also bidding, are toast. One or two bidders. Life is good.

Now yesterday Earl Roberts of the electrical contractors, the same group who killed the 1997 union agreement to let us out of this tragedy, stated that the eight generals cannot be treated fairly because they represent $100 million worth of work for his group outside of area 8. We did a double-check on the veracity of that figure last night and the correct number is less than $20 million. I would like to stress to you the intentional misdirection attempted by inflating figures of that ilk.

But let's go back to my example of the low, non-union structural steel price. Ellis-Don, because of that price, is toast. But is Earl Roberts and his group? Nope. They can still deal with the other union contractors, the PCLs. Guess what? If Bondfield, the non-union contractor, gets the job, they can deal with him too. Anybody here smelling a rat?

Let's look at construction management against some of my non-shackled brethren. I came out of a presentation for construction management services for a new client some months ago and met my competition on the way out. After presenting our proposal and introducing our proposed staff for their project, the owner's questions make it crystal clear that my competition, who stand in front of you protesting that changing the status quo offers an unfair advantage to the group of eight, have laid it all out. One of their biggest attributes is that they can contract with all subcontractors, except where they themselves are bound, while Ellis-Don can't, and they told. This is their marketing strategy against us. If they have explained it well enough to the owner and if the owner understands it well enough, then they win. We're toast. Great marketing strategy.

Ellis-Don has gone coast to coast in Canada, but in all honesty Ontario is the core business. We've gone to the USA, Malaysia and the Caribbean, but Ontario is the core. If we don't make it here, we don't make it.

Is anyone much further ahead putting us down and potentially out? Not much; maybe just a little. Yet they parade in here to get their last easy nickel before we die. The OGCA members will compete without Ellis-Don to worry about. The electrical contractors will have to compete without the easy in that they now enjoy with the last eight, until the last eight are all dead. Then I guess they'll have to cope with the real world.

The six civil trades whom we would have continued to employ will have one less or potentially eight less sources of employment. The other unions won't even blink. They won't address their competition issues until they jump up and bite them in the nose-a different issue. But the legacy of one of Canada's premier contractors will be lost, not of natural causes but through the province, through its unfair laws and its acquiescence to special labour interests, who sat by and let an obvious and blatantly unfair series of misfortunes run its course.

On behalf of all the shareholders, employees and other stakeholders in one of Ontario's proudest companies, I am asking and pleading: Do the right thing. Level the playing field and give us a fair chance at having a future by making a legislative amendment to let the eight generals out of the building trade agreement or at least, at a bare minimum, out of the agreement in board area 8. Thank you very much.

The Chair: Thank you, Mr Smith. We perhaps have time for one quick question from each.

Mr Bartolucci: I just have one quick question. The answer for you is getting rid of 1(4), clearly?

Mr Smith: Subsection 1(4) would be perfect. Thank you very much. I'll take that.

Mr Bartolucci: But it would only to be fair to you.

Mr Smith: We would take getting out of the building agreement but across the province. Shackling us in board area 8 and especially when six out of the eight make their primary living here is just unconscionable. It's Ellis-Don's main market within the province, and Ellis-Don's main market is the province of Ontario.

Mr Bartolucci: The Alberta model hasn't been successful.

The Chair: That's two quick questions. Mr Christopherson.

Mr Christopherson: I appreciate you coming in today, trying to sweet talk us.

Mr Smith: It's my charm.

Mr Christopherson: Yes. Oh, well, lots of it too. I have to tell you, I was reminded of the former chair of General Motors, who roared, "Whatever is good for General Motors is good for the good old US of A." I think it's a little more detailed than that.

Let me ask you, though, would it not make sense perhaps in the overall interest of the number of Ontarians who are employed by your company and others if we tried to raise everybody else up closer to where the union rates are rather than lowering everyone else down?

Mr Smith: We have no problem with union rates, and we have no problem with the six civil contracts with which we are hired and which we are quite happy dealing with. Union construction is a great source of qualified labour and we know we have it with existing agreements wherever we work within the province. We're not dissatisfied with that. What we are dissatisfied with is the building trades agreement which binds us to unions where we never have had one single employee, and that constitutes a horrible burden to us that we just cannot, in the long term, overcome. There is no possible way. I'm here pleading and I'm not being anything but most serious. This isn't one of our shareholder meetings.

Mr Christopherson: I really think there was an opportunity for the government to look at this a whole lot differently. I haven't yet had one employer come in here and say, "That would be a disaster if I had to deal with everybody out there in the construction industry that was unionized." Quite the contrary. I've got one employer who talks about the fact, "Our above-average safety records are due in part to the fact that we have fully unionized companies." Those of you who employ unionized construction workers have a 250% better health and safety rate in terms of workplace accidents. It makes a lot of sense to me that what the government should have done is start to put in legislation that makes organizing easier and raise everybody's standard of living, rather than going around trying to knock everybody down in this province.

The Chair: That was one question and one statement.

Mr Smith: Very quickly, I have no objection to what you said at all. This is not a plea for 1(4). This is not a plea for double-breasting or non-union. This is a plea to get out from under the building trades agreement in Ontario, which is a tremendously onerous and unfair situation for the eight contractors.

The Chair: We'll go over to Mr Gill.

Mr Gill: Just to thank you for coming by. No further questions.

The Chair: Ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much for your patience. I do apologize for being late this evening. However, I just want you to know that we will be travelling next week and considering clause-by-clause on May 29. Again, have a great weekend. Thank you for coming.

The committee adjourned at 1823.